Of the Interiour Beginnings of Voluntary Motions;commonly called the Passions.And the Speeches by which they are expressed.
There be in Animals,two sorts of Motions peculiar to them:One called Vitall ;begun in generation,and continued without interruption through their whole life;such as are the course of the Bloud ,the Pulse ,the Breathing ,the Concoction,Nutrition,Excretion ,&c;to which Motions there needs no help of Imagination:Te other is Animall motion ,otherwise called Voluntary motion ;as to go,to speak ,to move any of our limbes,in such manner as is first fancied in our minds.That Sense,is Motion in the organs and interiour parts of mans body,caused by the action of the things we See,Heare,&c;And that Fancy is but the Reliques of the same Motion,remaining after Sense,has been already sayd in the first and second Chapters.And because going,speaking ,and the like Voluntary motions,depend alwayes upon a precedent thought of whither,which way ,and what ;it is evident,that the Imagination is the first internall beginning of all Voluntary Motion.And although unstudied men,doe not conceive any motion at all to be there,where the thing moved is invisible;or the space it is moved in,is (for the shortnesse of it) insensible;yet that doth not hinder,but that such Motions are.For let a space be never so little,that which is moved over a greater space,whereof that little one is part,must first be moved over that.Tese small beginnings of Motion,within the body of Man,before they appear in walking,speaking,striking,and other visible actions,are commonly called Endeavour.
This Endeavour,when it is toward something which causes it,is called Appetite,or Desire;the later,being the generall name;and the other,oftentimes restrayned to signifie the Desire of Food,namely Hunger
and Thirst
.And when the Endeavour is fromward something,it is generally called Aversion.These words Appetite
,and Aversion
we have from the Latines
;and they both of them signifie the motions,one of approaching,the other of retiring.So also do the Greek words for the same,which are
,and
.For Nature it selfe does often presse upon men those truths,which afterwards,when they look for somewhat beyond Nature,they stumble at.For the Schooles find in meere Appetite to go,or move,no actuall Motion at all:but because some Motion they must acknowledge,they call it Metaphoricall Motion;which is but an absurd speech:for though Words may be called metaphoricall;Bodies,and Motions cannot.
That which men Desire,they are also sayd to Love:and to Hate those things,for which they have Aversion.So that Desire,and Love,are the same thing;save that by Desire,we alwayes signifie the Absence of the Object;by Love,most commonly the Presence of the same.So also by Aversion,we signifie the Absence;and by Hate,the Presence of the Object.
Of Appetites,and Aversions,some are born with men;as Appetite of food,Appetite of excretion,and exoneration,(which may also and more properly be called Aversions,from somewhat they feele in their Bodies;) and some other Appetites,not many.Te rest,which are Appetites of particular things,proceed from Experience,and triall of their effects upon themselves,or other men.For of things wee know not at all,or believe not to be,we can have no further Desire,than to tast and try.But Aversion wee have for things,not onely which we know have hurt us;but also that we do not know whether they will hurt us,or not.
Tose things which we neither Desire,nor Hate,we are said to Contemne :Contempt being nothing else but an immobility,or contumacy of the Heart,in resisting the action of certain things;and proceeding from that the Heart is already moved otherwise,by other more potent objects;or from want of experience of them.
And because the constitution of a mans Body,is in continuall mutation;it is impossible that all the same things should alwayes cause in him the same Appetites,and Aversions:much lesse can all men consent,in the Desire of almost any one and the same Object.
But whatsoever is the object of any mans Appetite or Desire;that is it,which he for his part calleth Good :And the object of his Hate,and Aversion,Evill ;And of his Contempt,Vile ,and Inconsiderable .For these words of Good,Evill,and Contemptible,are ever used with relation to the person that useth them:There being nothing simply and absolutely so;nor any common Rule of Good and Evill,to be taken from the nature of the objects themselves;but from the Person of the man (where there is no Common-wealth;) or,(in a Common-wealth,) from the Person that representeth it;or from an Arbitrator or Judge,whom men disagreeing shall by consent set up,and make his sentence the Rule thereof.
The Latine Tongue has two words,whose significa-tions approach to those of Good and Evill;but are not precisely the same;And those are Pulchrum and Turpe .Whereof the former signifies that,which by some apparent signes promiseth Good;and the later,that,which promiseth Evil.But in our Tongue we have not so generall names to expresse them by.But for Pulchrum ,we say in some things,Fayre ;in others Beautifull ,or Handsome ,or Gallant ,or Honourable ,or Comely ,or Amiable ;and for Turpe,Foule,Deformed,Ugly,Base,Nauseous ,and the like,as the subject shall require;All which words,in their proper places signifie nothing els,but the Mine ,or Countenance,that promiseth Good and Evil.So that of Good there be three kinds;Good in the Promise,that is Pulchrum ;Good in Effect,as the end desired,which is called Jucundum,Delightfull ;and Good as the Means,which is called Utile,Profitable ;and as many of Evil:For Evill ,in Promise,is that they call Turpe ;Evil in Effect,and End,is Molestum,Unpleasant,Troublesome ;and Evill in the Means,Inutile,Unprofitable,Hurtfull .
As,in Sense,that which is really within us,is (as I have sayd before) onely Motion,caused by the action of externall objects,but in apparence;to the Sight,Light and Colour;to the Eare,Sound;to the Nostrill,Odour,&c:so,when the action of the same object is continued from the Eyes,Eares,and other organs to the Heart;the reall efect there is nothing but Motion,or Endeavour;which consisteth in Appetite,or Aversion,to,or from the object moving.But the apparence,or sense of that motion,is that wee either call Delight,or Trouble Of Mind.
This Motion,which is called Appetite,and for the apparence of it Delight ,and Pleasure ,seemeth to be,a corroboration of Vitall motion,and a help thereunto;and therefore such things as caused Delight,were not improperly called Jucunda ,(à Juvando ,) from helping or fortifying;and the contrary,Molesta,Ofensive ,from hindering,and troubling the motion vitall.
Pleasure therefore,(or Delight ,) is the apparence,or sense of Good;and Molestation or Displeasure ,the apparence,or sense of Evill.And consequently all Appetite,Desire,and Love,is accompanied with some Delight more or lesse;and all Hatred,and Aversion,with more or lesse Displeasure and Ofence.
Of Pleasures,or Delights,some arise from the sense of an object Present;And those may be called Pleasures of Sense ,(Te word sensuall ,as it is used by those onely that condemn them,having no place till there be Lawes.) Of this kind are all Onerations and Exonerations of the body;as also all that is pleasant in the Sight,Hearing,Smell,Tast,or Touch ;Others arise from the Expectation,that proceeds from foresight of the End,or Consequence of things;whether those things in the Sense Please or Displease:And these are Pleasures of the Mind of him that draweth those consequences;and are generally called Joy.In the like manner,Displeasures,are some in the Sense,and called Payne;others,in the Expectation of consequences,and are called Griefe.
These simple Passions called Appetite,Desire,Love,Aversion,Hate,Joy ,and Griefe ,have their names for divers considerations diversified.As first,when they one succeed another,they are diversly called from the opinion men have of the likelihood of attaining what they desire.Secondly,from the object loved or hated.Tirdly,from the consideration of many of them together.Fourthly,from the Alteration or succession it selfe.
For Appetite with an opinion of attaining,is called Hope.
Te same,without such opinion,Despaire.
Aversion ,with opinion of Hurt from the object,Feare.
The same,with hope of avoyding that Hurt by resistence,Courage.
Sudden Courage ,Anger.
Constant Hope ,Confidence of our selves.
Constant Despayre ,Diffidence of our selves.
Anger for great hurt done to another,when we conceive the same to be done by Injury,Indignation.
Desire of good to another,Benevolence,Good Will,Charity.If to man generally,Good Nature.
Desire of Riches,Covetousnesse:a name used alwayes in signification of blame;because men contending for them,are displeased with one anothers attaining them;though the desire in it selfe,be to be blamed,or allowed,according to the means by which those Riches are sought.
Desire of Office,or precedence,Ambition:a name used also in the worse sense,for the reason before mentioned.
Desire of things that conduce but a little to our ends;And fear of things that are but of little hindrance,Pusillanimity.
Contempt of little helps,and hindrances,Magnanimity.
Magnanimity ,in danger of Death,or Wounds,Valour,Fortitude.
Magnanimity ,in the use of Riches,Liberality.
Pusillanimity ,in the same Wretchednesse,Miser-ablenesse;or Parsimony;as it is liked,or disliked.
Love of Persons for society,Kindnesse.
Love of Persons for Pleasing the sense onely,Natural Lust.
Love of the same,acquired from Rumination,that is,Imagination of Pleasure past,Luxury.
Love of one singularly,with desire to be singularly beloved,The Passion Of Love.Te same,with fear that the love is not mutuall,Jealousie.
Desire ,by doing hurt to another,to make him condemn some fact of his own,Revengefulnesse.
Desire ,to know why,and how,Curiosity;such as is in no living creature but Man ;so that Man is distinguished,not onely by his Reason;but also by this singular Passion from other Animals ;in whom the appetite of food,and other pleasures of Sense,by prædominance,take away the care of knowing causes;which is a Lust of the mind,that by a perseverance of delight in the continuall and indefatigable generation of Knowledge,exceedeth the short vehemence of any carnall Pleasure.
Feare of power invisible,feigned by the mind,or imagined from tales publiquely allowed,Religion;not allowed,Superstition.And when the power imagined,is truly such as we imagine,True Religion.
Feare ,without the apprehension of why,or what,Panique Terror;called so from the Fables,that make Pan the author of them;whereas in truth,there is alwayes in him that so feareth,first,some apprehension of the cause,though the rest run away by Example;every one supposing his fellow to know why.And therefore this Passion happens to none but in a throng,or multitude of people.
Joy ,from apprehension of novelty,Admiration;proper to Man,because it excites the appetite of knowing the cause.
Joy ,arising from imagination of a mans own power and ability,is that exultation of the mind which is called Glorying:which if grounded upon the experience of his own former actions,is the same with Confidence :but if grounded on the flattery of others;or onely supposed by himself,for delight in the consequences of it,is called Vaine-Glory:which name is properly given;because a well grounded Confidence begetteth Attempt;whereas the supposing of power does not,and is therefore rightly called Vaine .
Griefe ,from opinion of want of power,is called Dejection of mind.
The vain-glory which consisteth in the feigning or supposing of abilities in our selves,which we know are not,is most incident to young men,and nourished by the Histories,or Fictions of Gallant Persons;and is corrected ofen times by Age,and Employment.
Sudden Glory ,is the passion which maketh those Grimaces called Laughter;and is caused either by some sudden act of their own,that pleaseth them;or by the apprehension of some deformed thing in another,by comparison whereof they suddenly applaud themselves.And it is incident most to them,that are conscious of the fewest abilities in themselves;who are forced to keep themselves in their own favour,by observing the imperfections of other men.And therefore much Laughter at the deffects of others,is a signe of Pusillanimity.For of great minds,one of the proper workes is,to help and free others from scorn;and compare themselves onely with the most able.
On the contrary,Sudden Dejection ,is the passion that causeth Weepinc;and is caused by such accidents,as suddenly take away some vehement hope,or some prop of their power:And they are most subject to it,that rely principally on helps externall,such as are Women,and Children.Terefore some Weep for the losse of Friends;Others for their unkindnesse;others for the sudden stop made to their thoughts of revenge,by Reconciliation.But in all cases,both Laughter,and Weeping,are sudden motions;Custome taking them both away.For no man Laughs at old jests;or Weeps for an old calamity.
Griefe ,for the discovery of some defect of ability,is Shame,or the passion that discovereth it selfe in Blushing;and consisteth in the apprehension of some thing dishonourable;and in young men,is a signe of the love of good reputation;and commendable:In old men it is a signe of the same;but because it comes too late,not commendable.
The Contempt of good Reputation is called Impudence.
Griefe ,for the Calamity of another,is Pitty;and ariseth from the imagination that the like calamity may befall himselfe;and therefore is called also Compassion,and in the phrase of this present time a Fellow-feeling:And therefore for Calamity arriving from great wickedness,the best men have the least Pitty;and for the same Calamity,those have least Pitty,that think themselves least obnoxious to the same.
Contempt ,or little sense of the calamity of others,is that which men call Cruelty;proceeding from Security of their own fortune.For,that any man should take pleasure in other mens great harmes,without other end of his own,I do not conceive it possible.
Griefe ,for the successe of a Competitor in wealth,honour,or other good,if it be joyned with Endeavour to enforce our own abilities to equall or exceed him,is called Emulation:But joyned with Endeavour to supplant,or hinder a Competitor,Envie.
When in the mind of man,Appetites,and Aversions,Hopes,and Feares,concerning one and the same thing,arise alternately;and divers good and evill consequences of the doing,or omitting the thing propounded,come successively into our thoughts;so that sometimes we have an Appetite to it;sometimes an Aversion from it;sometimes Hope to be able to do it;sometimes Despaire,or Feare to attempt it;the whole summe of Desires,Aversions,Hopes and Fears,continued till the thing be either done,or thought impossible,is that we call Deliberation.
Therefore of things past,there is no Deliberation ;because manifestly impossible to be changed:nor of things known to be impossible,or thought so;because men know,or think such Deliberation vain.But of things impossible,which we think possible,we may Deliberate;not knowing it is in vain.And it is called Deliberation ;because it is a putting an end to the Liberty we had of doing,or omitting,according to our own Appetite,or Aversion.
This alternate Succession of Appetites,Aversions,Hopes and Fears,is no lesse in other living Creatures then in Man:and therefore Beasts also Deliberate.
Every Deliberation is then sayd to End ,when that whereof they Deliberate,is either done,or thought impossible;because till then wee retain the liberty of doing,or omitting,according to our Appetite,or Aversion.
In Deliberation ,the last Appetite,or Aversion,immediately adhæring to the action,or to the omission thereof,is that wee call the Will;the Act,(not the faculty,) of Willing .And Beasts that have Deliberation ,must necessarily also have Will .The Definition of the Will ,given commonly by the Schooles,that it is a Rationall Appetite ,is not good.For if it were,then could there be no Voluntary Act against Reason.For a Voluntary Act is that,which proceedeth from the will ,and no other.But if in stead of a Rationall Appetite,we shall say an Appetite resulting from a precedent Deliberation,then the Definition is the same that I have given here.Will therefore is the last Appetite in Deliberating .And though we say in common Discourse,a man had a Will once to do a thing,that neverthelesse he forbore to do;yet that is properly but an Inclination,which makes no Action Voluntary;because the action depends not of it,but of the last Inclination,or Appetite.For if the intervenient Appetites,make any action Voluntary;then by the same Reason all intervenient Aversions,should make the same action Involuntary;and so one and the same action,should be both Voluntary & Involuntary.
By this it is manifest,that not onely actions that have their beginning from Covetousnesse,Ambition,Lust,or other Appetites to the thing propounded;but also those that have their beginning from Aversion,or Feare of those consequences that follow the omission,are voluntary actions .
The formes of Speech by which the Passions are expressed,are partly the same,and partly different from those,by which wee expresse our Thoughts.And first generally all Passions may be expressed Indicatively ;as I love,I feare,I joy,I deliberate,I will,I command :but some of them have particular expressions by themselves,which neverthelesse are not affirmations,unlesse it be when they serve to make other inferences,besides that of the Passion they proceed from.Deliberation is expressed Subjunctively ;which is a speech proper to signifie suppositions,with their consequences;as,If this be done,then this will follow ;and differs not from the language of Reasoning,save that Reasoning is in generall words;but Deliberation for the most part is of Particulars.The language of Desire,and Aversion,is Imperative ;as Do this,forbeare that ;which when the party is obliged to do,or forbeare,is Command ;otherwise Prayer ;or els Counsell .The language of Vain-Glory,of Indignation,Pitty and Revengefulness,Optative:But of the Desire to know,there is a peculiar expression,called Interrogative ;as,What is it,when shall it,how is it done,and why so ?other language of the Passions I find none:For Cursing,Swearing,Reviling,and the like,do not signifie as Speech;but as the actions of a tongue accustomed.
These formes of Speech,I say,are expressions,or voluntary significations of our Passions:but certain signes they be not;because they may be used arbitrarily,whether they that use them,have such Passions or not.The best signes of Passions present,are either in the countenance,motions of the body,actions,and ends,or aimes,which we otherwise know the man to have.
And because in Deliberation,the Appetites,and Aversions are raised by foresight of the good and evill consequences,and sequels of the action whereof we Deliberate;the good or evill effect thereof dependeth on the foresight of a long chain of consequences,of which very seldome any man is able to see to the end.But for so farre as a man seeth,if the Good in those consequences,be greater than the Evill,the whole chaine is that which Writers call Apparent ,or Seeming Good .And contrarily,when the Evill exceedeth the Good,the whole is Apparent ,or Seeming Evill :so that he who hath by Experience,or Reason,the greatest and surest prospect of Consequences,Deliberates best himself;and is able when he will,to give the best counsell unto others.
Continuall successe in obtaining those things which a man from time to time desireth,that is to say,continuall prospering,is that men call Felicity;I mean the Felicity of this life.For there is no such thing as perpetuall Tranquillity of mind,while we live here;because Life it selfe is but Motion,and can never be without Desire,nor without Feare,no more than without Sense.What kind of Felicity God hath ordained to them that devoutly honour him,a man shall no sooner know,than enjoy;being joyes,that now are as incomprehensible,as the word of School-men Beatifcall Vision is unintelligible.
The forme of Speech whereby men signifie their opinion of the Goodnesse of any thing,is Praise.That whereby they signifie the power and greatnesse of any thing,is Magnifying. And that whereby they signifie the opinion they have of a mans Felicity,is by the Greeks called
,for which wee have no name in our tongue.And thus much is sufficient for the present purpose,to have been said of the Passions.
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Of the Naturall Condition of Mankind,as concerning their Felicity,and Misery
Nature hath made men so equall,in the faculties of body,and mind;as that though there bee found one man sometimes manifestly stronger in body,or of quicker mind then another;yet when all is reckoned together,the difference between man,and man,is not so considerable,as that one man can thereupon claim to himselfe any benefit,to which another may not pretend,as well as he.For as to the strength of body,the weakest has strength enough to kill the strongest,either by secret machination,or by confederacy with others,that are in the same danger with himselfe.
And as to the faculties of the mind,(setting aside the arts grounded upon words,and especially that skill of proceeding upon generall,and infallible rules,called Science;which very few have,and but in few things;as being not a native faculty,born with us;nor attained,(as Prudence,) while we look after somewhat els,) I find yet a greater equality amongst men,than that of strength.For Prudence,is but Experience;which equall time,equally bestowes on all men,in those things they equally apply themselves unto.That which may perhaps make such equality incredible,is but a vain conceipt of ones owne wisdome,which almost all men think they have in a greater degree,than the Vulgar;that is,than all men but themselves,and a few others,whom by Fame,or for concurring with themselves,they approve.For such is the nature of men,that howsoever they may acknowledge many others to be more witty,or more eloquent,or more learned;Yet they will hardly believe there be many so wise as themselves:For they see their own wit at hand,and other mens at a distance.But this proveth rather that men are in that point equall,than unequall.For there is not ordinarily a greater signe of the equall distribution of any thing,than that every man is contented with his share.
From this equality of ability,ariseth equality of hope in the attaining of our Ends.And therefore if any two men desire the same thing,which neverthelesse they cannot both enjoy,they become enemies;and in the way to their End,(which is principally their owne conservation,and sometimes their delectation only,) endeavour to destroy,or subdue one an other.And from hence it comes to passe,that where an Invader hath no more to feare,than an other mans single power;if one plant,sow,build,or possesse a convenient Seat,others may probably be expected to come prepared with forces united,to dispossesse,and deprive him,not only of the fruit of his labour,but also of his life,or liberty.And the Invader again is in the like danger of another.
And from this diffidence of one another,there is no way for any man to secure himselfe,so reasonable,as Anticipation;that is,by force,or wiles,to master the persons of all men he can,so long,till he see no other power great enough to endanger him:And this is no more than his own conservation requireth,and is generally allowed.Also because there be some,that taking pleasure in contemplating their own power in the acts of conquest,which they pursue farther than their security requires;if others,that otherwise would be glad to be at ease within modest bounds,should not by invasion increase their power,they would not be able,long time,by standing only on their defence,to subsist.And by consequence,such augmentation of dominion over men,being necessary to a mans conservation,it ought to be allowed him.
Againe,men have no pleasure,(but on the contrary a great deale of griefe) in keeping company,where there is no power able to over-awe them all.For every man looketh that his companion should value him,at the same rate he sets upon himselfe:And upon all signes of contempt,or undervaluing,naturally endeavours,as far as he dares (which amongst them that have no common power,to keep them in quiet,is far enough to make them destroy each other,) to extort a greater value from his contemners,by dommage;and from others,by the example.
So that in the nature of man,we find three principall causes of quarrell.First,Competition;Secondly,Difdence;Tirdly,Glory.
The first,maketh men invade for Gain;the second,for Safety;and the third,for Reputation.The first use Violence,to make themselves Masters of other mens persons,wives,children,and cattell;the second,to defend them;the third,for trifes,as a word,a smile,a different opinion,and any other signe of undervalue,either direct in their Persons,or by reflexion in their Kindred,their Friends,their Nation,their Profession,or their Name.
Hereby it is manifest,that during the time men live without a common Power to keep them all in awe,they are in that condition which is called Warre;and such a warre,as is of every man,against every man.For Warre,consisteth not in Battell onely,or the act of fighting;but in a tract of time,wherein the Will to contend by Battell is sufficiently known:and therefore the notion of Time ,is to be considered in the nature of Warre;as it is in the nature of Weather.For as the nature of Foule weather,lyeth not in a showre or two of rain;but in an inclination thereto of many dayes together:So the nature of War,consisteth not in actuall fghting;but in the known disposition thereto,during all the time there is no assurance to the contrary.All other time is Peace.
Whatsoever therefore is consequent to a time of Warre,where every man is Enemy to every man;the same is consequent to the time,wherein men live without other security,than what their own strength,and their own invention shall furnish them withall.In such condition,there is no place for Industry;because the fruit thereof is uncertain:and consequently no Culture of the Earth;no Navigation,nor use of the commodities that may be imported by Sea;no commodious Building;no Instruments of moving,and removing such things as require much force;no Knowledge of the face of the Earth;no account of Time;no Arts;no Letters;no Society;and which is worst of all,continuall feare,and danger of violent death;And the life of man,solitary,poore,nasty,brutish,and short.
It may seem strange to some man,that has not well weighed these things;that Nature should thus dissociate,and render men apt to invade,and destroy one another:and he may therefore,not trusting to this Inference,made from the Passions,desire perhaps to have the same confirmed by Experience.Let him therefore consider with himselfe,when taking a journey,he armes himselfe,and seeks to go well accompanied;when going to sleep,he locks his dores;when even in his house he locks his chests;and this when he knows there bee Lawes,and publike Officers,armed,to revenge all injuries shall bee done him;what opinion he has of his fellow subjects,when he rides armed;of his fellow Citizens,when he locks his dores;and of his children,and servants,when he locks his chests.Does he not there as much accuse mankind by his actions,as I do by my words?But neither of us accuse mans nature in it.The Desires,and other Passions of man,are in themselves no Sin.No more are the Actions,that proceed from those Passions,till they know a Law that forbids them:which till Lawes be made they cannot know:nor can any Law be made,till they have agreed upon the Person that shall make it.
It may peradventure be thought,there was never such a time,nor condition of warre as this;and I believe it was never generally so,over all the world:but there are many places,where they live so now.For the savage people in many places of America ,except the government of small Families,the concord whereof dependeth on naturall lust,have no government at all;and live at this day in that brutish manner,as I said before.Howsoever,it may be perceived what manner of life there would be,where there were no common Power to feare;by the manner of life,which men that have formerly lived under a peacefull government,use to degenerate into,in a civill Warre.
But though there had never been any time,wherein particular men were in a condition of warre one against another;yet in all times,Kings,and Persons of Soveraigne authority,because of their Independency,are in continuall jealousies,and in the state and posture of Gladiators;having their weapons pointing,and their eyes fxed on one another;that is,their Forts,Garrisons,and Guns upon the Frontiers of their Kingdomes;and continuall Spyes upon their neighbours;which is a posture of War.But because they uphold thereby,the Industry of their Subjects;there does not follow from it,that misery,which accompanies the Liberty of particular men.
To this warre of every man against every man,this also is consequent;that nothing can be Unjust.Te notions of Right and Wrong,Justice and Injustice have there no place.Where there is no common Power,there is no Law:where no Law,no Injustice.Force,and Fraud,are in warre the two Cardinall vertues.Justice,and Injustice are none of the Faculties neither of the Body,nor Mind.If they were,they might be in a man that were alone in the world,as well as his Senses,and Passions.Tey are Qualities,that relate to men in Society,not in Solitude.It is consequent also to the same condition,that there be no Propriety,no Dominion,no Mine and Tine distinct;but onely that to be every mans that he can get;and for so long,as he can keep it.And thus much for the ill condition,which man by meer Nature is actually placed in;though with a possiblity to come out of it,consisting partly in the Passions,partly in his Reason.
The Passions that encline men to Peace,are Feare of Death;Desire of such things as are necessary to commodious living;and a Hope by their Industry to obtain them.And Reason suggesteth convenient Articles of Peace,upon which men may be drawn to agreement.Tese Articles,are they,which otherwise are called the Lawes of Nature:whereof I shall speak more particularly,in the two following Chapters. [1]
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[1] Fourteen and ffteen,not included here.
Of Common-wealth
Of the Causes,Generation,and Definition of a Common-wealth
The finall Cause,End,or Designe of men,(who naturally love Liberty,and Dominion over others,) in the introduction of that restraint upon themselves,(in which wee see them live in Common-wealths,) is the foresight of their own preservation,and of a more contented life thereby;that is to say,of getting themselves out from that miserable condition of Warre,which is necessarily consequent (as hath been shewn) to the naturall Passions of men,when there is no visible Power to keep them in awe,and tye them by feare of punishment to the performance of their Covenants,and observation of those Lawes of Nature set down in the fourteenth and ffeenth Chapters.
For the Lawes of Nature (as Justice,Equity,Modesty,Mercy ,and (in summe) doing to others,as wee would be done to ,) of themselves,without the terrour of some Power,to cause them to be observed,are contrary to our naturall Passions,that carry us to Partiality,Pride,Revenge,and the like.And Covenants,without the Sword,are but Words,and of no strength to secure a man at all.Therefore notwithstanding the Lawes of Nature,(which every one hath then kept,when he has the will to keep them,when he can do it safely,) if there be no Power erected,or not great enough for our security;every man will and may lawfully rely on his own strength and art,for caution against all other men.And in all places,where men have lived by small Families,to robbe and spoyle one another,has been a Trade,and so farre from being reputed against the Law of Nature,that the greater spoyles they gained,the greater was their honour;and men observed no other Lawes therein,but the Lawes of Honour;that is,to abstain from cruelty,leaving to men their lives,and instruments of husbandry.And as small Familyes did then;so now do Cities and Kingdomes which are but greater Families (for their own security) enlarge their Dominions,upon all pretences of danger,and fear of Invasion,or assistance that may be given to Invaders,endeavour as much as they can,to subdue,or weaken their neighbours,by open force,and secret arts,for want of other Caution,justly;and are remembred for it in afer ages with honour.
Nor is it the joyning together of a small number of men,that gives them this security;because in small numbers,small additions on the one side or the other,make the advantage of strength so great,as is sufficient to carry the Victory;and therefore gives encouragement to an Invasion.Te Multitude sufficient to confde in for our Security,is not determined by any certain number,but by Comparison with the Enemy we feare;and is then sufficient,when the odds of the Enemy is not of so visible and conspicuous moment,to determine the event of warre,as to move him to attempt.
And be there never so great a Multitude;yet if their actions be directed according to their particular judgements,and particular appetites,they can expect thereby no defence,nor protection,neither against a Common enemy,nor against the injuries of one another.For being distracted in opinions concerning the best use and application of their strength,they do not help,but hinder one another;and reduce their strength by mutuall opposition to nothing:whereby they are easily,not onely subdued by a very few that agree together;but also when there is no common enemy,they make warre upon each other,for their particular interests.For if we could suppose a great Multitude of men to consent in the observation of Justice,and other Lawes of Nature,without a common Power to keep them all in awe;we might as well suppose all Man-kind to do the same;and then there neither would be,nor need to be any Civill Government,or Common-wealth at all;because there would be Peace without subjection.
Nor is it enough for the security,which men desire should last all the time of their life,that they be governed,and directed by one judgement,for a limited time;as in one Battell,or one Warre.For though they obtain a Victory by their unanimous endeavour against a forraign enemy;yet afterwards,when either they have no common enemy,or he that by one part is held for an enemy,is by another part held for a friend,they must needs by the difference of their interests dissolve,and fall again into a Warre amongst themselves.
It is true,that certain living creatures,as Bees,and Ants,live sociably one with another,(which are therefore by Aristotle numbred amongst Politicall creatures;) and yet have no other direction,than their particular judgements and appetites;nor speech,whereby one of them can signifie to another,what he thinks expedient for the common benefit:and therefore some man may perhaps desire to know,why Man-kind cannot do the same.To which I answer,
First,that men are continually in competition for Honour and Dignity,which these creatures are not;and consequently amongst men there ariseth on that ground,Envy and Hatred,and fnally Warre;but amongst these not so.
Secondly,that amongst these creatures,the Common good differeth not from the Private;and being by nature enclined to their private,they procure thereby the common benefit.But man,whose Joy consisteth in comparing himselfe with other men,can relish nothing but what is eminent.
Thirdly,that these creatures,having not (as man) the use of reason,do not see,nor think they see any fault,in the administration of their common businesse:whereas amongst men,there are very many,that thinke themselves wiser,and abler to govern the Publique,better than the rest;and these strive to reforme and innovate,one this way,another that way;and thereby bring it into Distraction and Civill warre.
Fourthly,that these creatures,though they have some use of voice,in making knowne to one another their desires,and other affections;yet they want that art of words,by which some men can represent to others,that which is Good,in the likenesse of Evill;and Evill,in the likenesse of Good;and augment,or diminish the apparent greatnesse of Good and Evill;discontenting men,and troubling their Peace at their pleasure.
Fiftly,irrationall creatures cannot distinguish betweene Injury ,and Dammage ;and therefore as long as they be at ease,they are not ofended with their fellowes:whereas Man is then most troublesome,when he is most at ease:for then it is that he loves to shew his Wisdome,and controule the Actions of them that governe the Common-wealth.
Lastly,the agreement of these creatures is Naturall;that of men,is by Covenant only,which is Artificiall:and therefore it is no wonder if there be somewhat else required (besides Covenant) to make their Agreement constant and lasting;which is a Common Power,to keep them in awe,and to direct their actions to the Common Beneft.
Te only way to erect such a Common Power,as may be able to defend them from the invasion of Forraigners,and the injuries of one another,and thereby to secure them in such sort,as that by their owne industrie,and by the fruites of the Earth,they may nourish themselves and live contentedly;is,to conferre all their power and strength upon one Man,or upon one Assembly of men,that may reduce all their Wills,by plurality of voices,unto one Will:which is as much as to say,to appoint one man,or Assembly of men,to beare their Person;and every one to owne,and acknowledge himselfe to be Author of whatsoever he that so beareth their Person,shall Act,or cause to be Acted,in those things which concerne the Common Peace and Safetie;and therein to submit their Wills,every one to his Will,and their Judgements,to his Judgment.This is more than Consent,or Concord;it is a reall Unitie of them all,in one and the same Person,made by Covenant of every man with every man,in such manner,as if every man should say to every man,I Authorise and give up my Right of Governing my selfe,to this Man,or to this Assembly of men,on this condition,that thou give up thy Right to him,and Authorise all his Actions in like manner .This done,the Multitude so united in one Person,is called a Commonwealth,in latine Civitas.This is the Generation of that great Levathan,or rather (to speake more reverently) of that Mortall God ,to which wee owe under the Immortall God ,our peace and defence.For by this Authoritie,given him by every particular man in the Common-Wealth,he hath the use of so much Power and Strength conferred on him,that by terror thereof,he is inabled to forme the wills of them all,to Peace at home,and mutuall ayd against their enemies abroad.And in him consisteth the Essence of the Common-wealth;which (to define it,) is One Person,of whose Acts a great Multitude,by mutuall Covenants one with another,have made themselves every one the Author,to the end he may use the strength and means of them all,as he shall think expedient,for their Peace and Common Defence .
And he that carryeth this Person,is called Soveraigne,and said to have Soveraigne Power ;and every one besides,his Subject.
The attaining to this Soveraigne Power,is by two wayes.One,by Naturall force;as when a man maketh his children,to submit themselves,and their children to his government,as being able to destroy them if they refuse;or by Warre subdueth his enemies to his will,giving them their lives on that condition.Te other,is when men agree amongst themselves,to submit to some Man,or Assembly of men,voluntarily,on confidence to be protected by him against all others.This later,may be called a Politicall Common-wealth or Common-wealth by Institution ;and the former,a Common-wealth by Acquisition [...]
Of the Liberty of Subjects
Liberty,or Freedome,signifieth (properly) the absence of Opposition;(by Opposition,I mean externall Impediments of motion;) and may be applyed no lesse to Irrationall,and Inanimate creatures,than to Rationall.For whatsoever is so tyed,or environed,as it cannot move,but within a certain space,which space is determined by the opposition of some externall body,we say it hath not Liberty to go further.And so of all living creatures,whilest they are imprisoned,or restrained,with walls,or chayns;and of the water whilest it is kept in by banks,or vessels,that otherwise would spread it selfe into a larger space,we use to say,they are not at Liberty,to move in such manner,as without those externall impediments they would.But when the impediment of motion,is in the constitution of the thing it selfe,we use not to say,it wants the Liberty;but the Power to move;as when a stone lyeth still,or a man is fastned to his bed by sicknesse.
And according to this proper,and generally received meaning of the word,A Free-man,is he,that in those things,which by his strength and wit he is able to do,is not hindred to doe what he has a will to .But when the words Free ,and Liberty ,are applyed to any thing but Bodies,they are abused;for that which is not subject to Motion,is not subject to Impediment:And therefore,when 'tis said (for example) Te way is free,no liberty of the way is signified,but of those that walk in it without stop.And when we say a Guift is free,there is not meant any liberty of the Guilt,but of the Giver,that was not bound by any law,or Covenant to give it.So when we speak freely ,it is not the liberty of voice,or pronunciation,but of the man,whom no law hath obliged to speak otherwise then he did.Lastly,from the use of the word Freewill ,no liberty can be inferred to the will,desire,or inclination,but the liberty of the man;which consisteth in this,that he finds no stop,in doing what he has the will,desire,or inclination to doe.
Feare and Liberty are consistent;as when a man throweth his goods into the Sea for feare the ship should sink,he doth it neverthelesse very willingly,and may refuse to doe it if he will:It is therefore the action,of one that was free :so a man sometimes pays his debt,only for feare of Imprisonment,which because no body hindred him from detaining,was the action of a man at liberty .And generally all actions which men doe in Common-wealths,for feare of the law,or actions,which the doers had liberty to omit.
Liberty and Necessity are Consistent:As in the water,that hath not only liberty ,but a necessity of descending by the Channel:so likewise in the Actions which men voluntarily doe;which (because they proceed from their will) proceed from liberty ;and yet because every act of mans will,and every desire,and inclination proceedeth from some cause,and that from another cause,which causes in a continuall chaine (whose first link in the hand of God the first of all causes) proceed from necessity .So that to him that could see the connexion of those causes,the necessity of all mens voluntary actions,would appeare manifest.And therefore God,that seeth,and disposeth all things,seeth also that the liberty of man in doing what he will,is accompanied with the necessity of doing that which God will,&no more,nor lesse.For though men may do many things,which God does not command,nor is therefore Author of them;yet they can have no passion,nor appetite to any thing,of which appetite Gods will is not the cause.And did not his will assure the necessity of mans will,and consequently of all that on mans will dependeth,the liberty of men would be a contradiction,and impediment to the omnipotence and liberty of God.And this shall suffice,(as to the matter in hand) of that naturall liberty ,which only is properly called liberty .
But as men,for the atteyning of peace,and conservation of themselves thereby,have made an Artificiall Man,which we call a Common-wealth;so also have they made Artifciall Chains,called Civill Lawes ,which they themselves,by mutuall covenants,have fastned at one end,to the lips of that Man,or Assembly,to whom they have given the Soveraigne Power;and at the other end to their own Ears.Tese Bonds in their own nature but weak,may neverthelesse be made to hold,by the danger,though not by the difficulty of breaking them.
In relation to these Bonds only it is,that I am to speak now,of the Liberty of Subjects .For seeing there is no Common-wealth in the world,wherein there be Rules enough set down,for the regulating of all the actions,and words of men,(as being a thing impossible:) it followeth necessarily,that in all kinds of actions,by the laws prætermitted,men have the Liberty,of doing what their own reasons shall suggest,for the most profitable to themselves.For if wee take Liberty in the proper sense,for corporall Liberty;that is to say,freedome from chains,and prison,it were very absurd for men to clamor as they doe,for the Liberty they so manifestly enjoy.Againe,if we take Liberty,for an exemption from Lawes,it is no lesse absurd,for men to demand as they doe,that Liberty,by which all other men may be masters of their lives.And yet as absurd as it is,this is it they demand;not knowing that the Lawes are of no power to protect them,without a Sword in the hands of a man,or men,to cause those laws to be put in execution.Te Liberty of a Subject,lyeth therefore only in those things,which in regulating their actions,the Soveraign hath prætermitted:such as is the Liberty to buy,and sell,and otherwise contract with one another;to choose their own aboad,their own diet,their own trade of life,and institute their children as they themselves think fit;&the like.
Neverthelesse we are not to understand,that by such Liberty,the Soveraign Power of life,and death,is either abolished,or limited.For it has been already shewn,that nothing the Soveraign Representative can doe to a Subject,on what pretence soever,can properly be called Injustice,or Injury;because every Subject is Author of every act the Soveraign doth;so that he never wanteth Right to any thing,otherwise,than as he himself is the Subject of God,and bound thereby to observe the laws of Nature.And therefore it may,and doth ofen happen in Common-wealths,that a Subject may be put to death,by the command of the Soveraign Power;and yet neither doe the other wrong:As when Jeptha caused his daughter to be sacrifced:In which,and the like cases,he that so dieth,had Liberty to doe the action,for which he is neverthelesse,without Injury put to death.And the same holdeth also in a Soveraign Prince,that putteth to death an Innocent Subject.For though the action be against the law of Nature,as being contrary to Equitie,(as was the killing of Uriah ,by David ;) yet it was not an Injurie to Uriah ;but to God .Not to Uriah ,because the right to doe what he pleased,was given him by Uriah himself:And yet to God ,because David was Gods Subject;and prohibited all Iniquitie by the law of Nature.Which distinction,David himself,when he repented the fact,evidently confirmed,saying,To thee only have I sinned .In the same manner,the people of Athens ,when they banished the most potent of their Common-wealth for ten years,thought they committed no Injustice;and yet they never questioned what crime he had done;but what hurt he would doe:Nay they commanded the banishment of they knew not whom;and every Citizen bringing his Oystershell into the market place,written with the name of him he desired should be banished,without actuall accusing him,sometimes banished an Aristides ,for his reputation of Justice;And sometimes a scurrilous Jester,as Hyperbolus ,to make a Jest of it.And yet a man cannot say,the Soveraign People of Athens wanted right to banish them;or an Athenian the Libertie to Jest,or to be Just.
The Libertie,whereof there is so frequent,and honourable mention,in the Histories,and Philosophy of the Antient Greeks,and Romans,and in the writings,and discourse of those that from them have received all their learning in the Politiques,is not the Libertie of Particular men;but the Libertie of the Common-wealth:which is the same with that,which every man then should have,if there were no Civil Laws,nor Common-wealth at all.And the effects of it also be the same.For as amongst masterlesse men,there is perpetuall war,of every man against his neighbour;no inheritance,to transmit to the Son,nor to expect from the Father;no propriety of Goods,or Lands;no security;but a full and absolute Libertie in every Particular man:So in States,and Common-wealths not dependent on one another,every Common-wealth,(not every man) has an absolute Libertie,to doe what it shall judge (that is to say,what that Man,or Assemblie that representeth it,shall judge) most conducing to their benefit.But withall,they live in the condition of a perpetuall war,and upon the confines of battel,with their frontiers armed,and canons planted against their neighbours round about.The Athenians ,and Romanes were free;that is,free Common-wealths:not that any particular men had the Libertie to resist their own Representative;but that their Representative had the Libertie to resist,or invade other people.There is written on the Turrets of the city of Luca in great characters at this day,the word LIBERTAS ;yet no man can thence inferre,that a particular man has more Libertie,or Immunitie from the service of the Common-wealth there,than in Constantinople .Whether a Common-wealth be Monarchicall,or Popular,the Freedome is still the same.
But it is an easy thing,for men to be deceived,by the specious name of Libertie;and for want of Judgement to distinguish,mistake that for their Private Inheritance,and Birth right,which is the right of the Publique only.And when the same errour is confirmed by the authority of men in reputation for their writings in this subject,it is no wonder if it produce sedition,and change of Government.In these westeme parts of the world,we are made to receive our opinions concerning the Institution,and Rights of Common-wealths,from Aristotle,Cicero ,and other men,Greeks and Romanes,that living under Popular States,derived those Rights,not from the Principles of Nature,but transcribed them into their books,out of the Practice of their own Common-wealths,which were Popular;as the Grammarians describe the Rules of Language,out of the Practise of the time;or the Rules of Poetry,out of the Poems of Homer and Virgil .And because the Athenians were taught,(to keep them from desire of changing their Government,) that they were Freemen,and all that lived under Monarchy were slaves;therefore Aristotle puts it down in his Politiques ,(lib. 6.cap. 2) In democracy ,Liberty is to be supposed:for 'tis commonly held,that no man is Free in any other Government .And as Aristotle;so Cicero ,and other Writers have grounded their Civil doctrine,on the opinions of the Romans,who were taught to hate Monarchy,at first,by them that having deposed their Soveraign,shared amongst them the Soveraignty of Rome ;and afterwards by their Successors.And by reading of these Greek,and Latine Authors,men from their childhood have gotten a habit (under a false shew of Liberty,) of favouring tumults,and of licentious controlling the actions of their Soveraigns;and again of controlling those controllers,with the efusion of so much blood;as I think I may truly say,there was never any thing so deerly bought,as these Western parts have bought the learning of the Greek and Latine tongues.
To come now to the particulars of the true Liberty of a Subject;that is to say,what are the things,which though commanded by the Soveraign,he may neverthelesse,without Injustice,refuse to do;we are to consider,what Rights we passe away,when we make a Common-wealth;or (which is all one,) what Liberty we deny our selves,by owning all the Actions (without exception) of the Man,or Assembly we make our Soveraign.For in the act of our Submission ,consisteth both our Obligation ,and our Liberty ;which must therefore be inferred by arguments taken from thence;there being no Obligation on any man,which ariseth not from some Act of his own;for all men equally,are by Nature Free.And because such arguments,must either be drawn from the expresse words,I Authorise all his Actions ,or from the Intention of him that submitteth himselfe to his Power,(which Intention is to be understood by the End for which he so submitteth;) The Obligation,and Liberty of the Subject,is to be derived,either from those Words,(or others equivalent;) or else from the End of the Institution of Soveraignty;namely,the Peace of the Subjects within themselves,and their Defence against a common Enemy.
First therefore,seeing Soveraignty by Institution,is by Covenant of every one to every one;and Soveraignty by Acquisition,by Covenants of the Vanquished to the Victor,or Child to the Parent;It is manifest,that every Subject has Liberty in all those things,the right whereof cannot by Covenant be transferred.I have shewn before in the 14.Chapter,that Covenants,not to defend a mans own body,are voyd.Terefore,
If the Soveraign command a man (though justly condemned,) to kill,wound,or mayme himselfe;or not to resist those that assault him;or to abstain from the use of food,ayre,medicine,or any other thing,without which he cannot live;yet hath that man the Liberty to disobey.
If a man be interrogated by the Soveraign,or his Authority,concerning a crime done by himselfe,he is not bound (without assurance of Pardon) to confesse it;because no man (as I have shewn in the same Chapter) can be obliged by Covenant to accuse himselfe.
Again,the Consent of a Subject to Soveraign Power,is contained in these words,I Authorise,or take upon me,all his actions ;in which there is no restriction at all,of his own former naturall Liberty:For by allowing him to kill me ,I am not bound to kill my selfe when he commands me.'This one thing to say,Kill me,or my fellow,if you please ;another thing to say,I will kill my selfe,or my fellow .It followeth therefore,that
No man is bound by the words themselves,either to kill himselfe,or any other man;And consequently,that the Obligation a man may sometimes have,upon the Command of the Soveraign to execute any dangerous,or dishonourable Office,dependeth not on the Words of our Submission;but on the Intention;which is to be understood by the End thereof.When therefore our refusall to obey,frustrates the End for which the Soveraignty was ordained;then there is no Liberty to refuse:otherwise there is.
Upon this ground,a man that is commanded as a Souldier to fight against the enemy,though his Soveraign have Right enough to punish his refusall with death,may neverthelesse in many cases refuse,without Injustice;as when he substituteth a sufficient Souldier in his place:for in this case he deserteth not the service of the Common-wealth.And there is allowance to be made for naturall timorousnesse,not onely to women,(of whom no such dangerous duty is expected,) but also to men of feminine courage.When Armies fght,there is on one side,or both,a running away;yet when they do it not out of trechery,but fear,they are not esteemed to do it unjustly,but dishonourably.For the same reason,to avoyd batten,is not Injustice,but Cowardise.But he that inrowleth himselfe a Souldier,or taketh imprest mony,taketh away the excuse of a timorous nature;and is obliged,not onely to go to the battell,but also not to run from it,without his Captaines leave.And when the Defence of the Common-wealth,requireth at once the help of all that are able to bear Arms,every one is obliged;because otherwise the Institution of the Common-wealth,which they have not the purpose,or courage to preserve,was in vain.
To resist the Sword of the Common-wealth,in defence of another man,guilty,or innocent,no man hath Liberty;because such Liberty,takes away from the Soveraign,the means of Protecting us;and is therefore destructive of the very essence of Government.But in case a great many men together,have already resisted the Soveraign Power unjustly,or committed some Capitall crime,for which every one of them expecteth death,whether have they not the Liberty then to joyn together,and assist,and defend one another?Certainly they have:For they but defend their lives,which the Guilty man may as well do,as the Innocent.There was indeed injustice in the first breach of their duty;Their bearing of Arms subsequent to it,though it be to maintain what they have done,is no new unjust act.And if it be onely to defend their persons,it is not unjust at all.But the ofer of Pardon taketh from them,to whom it is offered,the plea of self-defence,and maketh their perseverance in assisting,or defending the rest,unlawfull.
As for other Lyberties,they depend on the silence of the Law.In cases where the Soveraign has prescribed no rule,there the Subject hath the liberty to do,or forbeare,according to his own discretion.And therefore such Liberty is in some places more,and in some lesse;and in some times more,in other times lesse,according as they that have the Soveraignty shall think most convenient.As for Example,there was a time,when in England a man might enter in to his own Land,(and dispossesse such as wrongfully possessed it) by force.But in afer-times,that Liberty of Forcible entry,was taken away by a Statute made (by the King) in Parliament.And in some places of the world,men have the Liberty of many wives:in other places,such Liberty is not allowed.
If a Subject have a controversie with his Soveraigne,of Debt,or of right of possession of lands or goods,or concerning any service required at his hands,or concerning any penalty corporall,or pecuniary,grounded on a precedent Law;He hath the same Liberty to sue for his right,as if it were against a Subject;and before such Judges,as are appointed by the Soveraign.For seeing the Soveraign demandeth by force of a former Law,and not by vertue of his Power;he declareth thereby,that he requireth no more,than shall appear to be due by that Law.Te sute therefore is not contrary to the will of the Soveraign;and consequently the Subject hath the Liberty to demand the hearing of his Cause;and sentence,according to that Law.But if he demand,or take any thing by pretence of his Power;there lyeth,in that case,no action of Law:for all that is done by him in Vertue of his Power,is done by the Authority of every subject,and consequently,he that brings an action against the Soveraign,brings it against himselfe.
If a Monarch,or Soveraign Assembly,grant a Liberty to all,or any of his Subjects;which Grant standing,he is disabled to provide for their safety,the Grant is voyd;unlesse he directly renounce,or transferre the Soveraignty to another.For in that he might openly,(if it had been his will,) and in plain termes,have renounced,or transferred it,and did not;it is to be understood it was not his will;but that the Grant proceeded from ignorance of the repugnancy between such a Liberty and the Soveraign Power;and therefore the Soveraignty is still retayned;and consequently all those Powers,which are necessary to the exercising thereof;such as are the Power of Warre,and Peace,of Judicature,of appointing Ofcers,and Councellours,of levying Mony,and the rest named in the 18th Chapter. [1]
The Obligation of Subjects to the Soveraign,is understood to last as long,and no longer,than the power lasteth,by which he is able to protect them.For the right men have by Nature to protect themselves,when none else can protect them,can by no Covenant be relinquished.The Soveraignty is the Soule of the Common-wealth;which once departed from the Body,the members doe no more receive their motion from it.The end of Obedience is Protection;which,wheresoever a man seeth it,either in his own,or in anothers sword,Nature applyeth his obedience to it,and his endeavour to maintaine it.And though Soveraignty,in the intention of them that make it,be immortall;yet is it in its own nature,not only subject to violent death,by forreign war;but also through the ignorance,and passions of men,it hath in it,from the very institution,many seeds of a naturall mortality,by Intestine Discord.
If a Subject be taken prisoner in war;or his person,or his means of life be within the Guards of the enemy,and hath his life and corporall Libertie given him,on condition to be Subject to the Victor,he hath Libertie to accept the condition;and having accepted it,is the subject of him that took him;because he had no other way to preserve himselfe.The case is the same,if he be deteined on the same termes,in a forreign country.But if a man be held in prison,or bonds,or is not trusted with the libertie of his bodie;he cannot be understood to be bound by Covenant to subjection;and therefore may,if he can,make his escape by any means whatsoever.
If a Monarch shall relinquish the Soveraignty,both for himself,and his heires;His Subjects returne to the absolute Libertie of Nature;because,though Nature may declare who are his Sons,and who are the nerest of his Kin;yet it dependeth on his own will,(as hath been said in the precedent chapter,) who shall be his Heyr.If therefore he will have no Heyre,there is no Soveraignty,nor Subjection.Te case is the same,if he dye without known Kindred,and without declaration of his Heyre.For then there can no Heire be known,and consequently no Subjection be due.
If the Soveraign Banish his Subject;during the Banishment,he is not Subject.But he that is sent on a message,or hath leave to travell,is still Subject;but it is,by Contract between Soveraigns,not by vertue of the covenant of Subjection.For whosoever entreth into anothers dominion,is Subject to all the Lawes thereof;unlesse he have a privilege by the amity of the Soveraigns,or by speciall licence.
If a Monarch subdued by war,render himself Subject to the Victor;his Subjects are delivered from their former obligation,and become obliged to the Victor.But if he be held prisoner,or have not the liberty of his own Body;he is not understood to have given away the Right of Soveraigntie;and therefore his Subjects are obliged to yield obedience to the Magistrates formerly placed,governing not in their own name,but in his.For,his Right remaining,the question is only of the Administration;that is to say,of the Magistrates and Officers;which,if he have not means to name,he is supposed to approve those,which he himself had formerly appointed.
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Of those things that Weaken,or tend to the Dissolution of a Common-wealth
Though nothing can be immortall,which mortals make;yet,if men had the use of reason they pretend to,their Common-wealths might be secured,at least,from perishing by internall diseases.For by the nature of their Institution,they are designed to live,as long as Man-kind,or as the Lawes of Nature,or as Justice it selfe,which gives them life.Terefore when they come to be dissolved,not by extemall violence,but intestine disorder,the fault is not in men,as they are the Matter ;but as they are the Makers ,and orderers of them.For men,as they become at last weary of irregular justling,and hewing one another,and desire with all their hearts,to conforme themselves into one firme and lasting edifce;so for want,both of the art of making ft Lawes,to square their actions by,and also of humility,and patience,to sufer the rude and combersome points of their present greatnesse to be taken off,they cannot without the help of a very able Architect,be compiled,into any other than a crasie building,such as hardly lasting out their own time,must assuredly fall upon the heads of their posterity.
Amongst the Infirmities therefore of a Common-wealth,I will reckon in the first place,those that arise from an Imperfect Institution,and resemble the diseases of a naturall body,which proceed from a Defectuous Procreation.
Of which,this is one,That a man to obtain a Kingdome,is sometimes content with lesse Power,than to the Peace,and defence of the Common-wealth is necessarily required .From whence it commeth to passe,that when the exercise of the Power layd by,is for the publique safety to be resumed,it hath the resemblance of an unjust act;which disposeth great numbers of men (when occasion is presented) to rebell;In the same manner as the bodies of children,gotten by diseased parents,are subject either to untimely death,or to purge the ill quality,derived from their vicious conception,by breaking out into biles and scabbs.And when Kings deny themselves some such necessary Power,it is not alwayes (though sometimes) out of ignorance of what is necessary to the office they undertake;but many times out of a hope to recover the same again at their pleasure:Wherein they reason not well;because such as will hold them to their promises,shall be maintained against them by forraign Common-wealths;who in order to the good of their own Subjects let slip few occasions to weaken the estate of their Neighbours.So was Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury ,supported against Henry the Second,by the Pope;the subjection of Ecclesiastiques to the Common-wealth,having been dispensed with by William the Conquerour at his reception,when he took an Oath,not to infringe the liberty of the Church.And so were the Barons ,whose power was by William Rufus (to have their help in transferring the Succession from his Elder brother,to himselfe,) encreased to a degree,inconsistent with the Soveraign Power,maintained in their Rebellion against King John ,by the French.
Nor does this happen in Monarchy onely.For whereas the stile of the antient Roman Common-wealth,was,The Senate,and People of Rome
;neither Senate,nor People pretended to the whole Power;which first caused the seditions,of Tiberius Gracchus,Caius Gracchus,Lucius Saturninus
,and others;and afterwards the warres between the Senate and the People,under Marius
and Sylla
;and again under Pompey
and
,to the Extinction of their Democraty,and the setting up of Monarchy.
The people of Athens bound themselves but from one onely Action;which was,that no man on pain of death should propound the renewing of the warre for the Island of Salamis ;And yet thereby,if Solon had not caused to be given out he was mad,and afterwards in gesture and habit of a mad-man,and in verse,propounded it to the People that flocked about him,they had had an enemy perpetually in readinesse,even at the gates of their Citie;such dammage,or shifts,are all Common-wealths forced to,that have their Power never so little limited.
In the second place,I observe the Diseases of a Common-wealth,that proceed from the poyson of seditious doctrines;whereof one is,That every private man is Judge of Good and Evill actions .This is true in the condition of meer Nature,where there are no Civill Lawes;and also under Civill Government,in such cases as are not determined by the Law.But otherwise,it is manifest,that the measure of Good and Evill actions,is the Civill Law;and the Judge the Legislator,who is alwayes Representative of the Common-wealth.From this false doctrine,men are disposed to debate with themselves,and dispute the commands of the Common-wealth;and afterwards to obey,or disobey them,as in their private judgements they shall think fit.Whereby the Common-wealth is distracted and Weakened .
Another doctrine repugnant to Civill Society,is,that whatsoever a man does against his Conscience,is Sinne ;and it dependeth on the presumption of making himself judge of Good and Evill.For a mans Conscience,and his Judgement is the same thing;and as the Judgement,so also the Conscience may be erroneous.Therefore,though he that is subject to no Civill Law,sinneth in all he does against his Conscience,because he has no other rule to follow but his own reason;yet it is not so with him that byes in a Common-wealth;because the Law is the publique Conscience,by which he hath already undertaken to be guided.Otherwise in such diversity,as there is of private Consciences,which are but private opinions,the Common-wealth must needs be distracted,and no man dare to obey the Soveraign Power,farther than it shall seem good in his own eyes.
It hath been also commonly taught,That Faith and Sanctity,are not to be attained by Study and Reason,but by supernaturall Inspiration,or Infusion ,which granted,I see not why any man should render a reason of his Faith;or why every Christian should not be also a Prophet;or why any man should take the Law of his Country,rather than his own Inspiration,for the rule of his action.And thus wee fall again into the fault of taking upon us to Judge of Good and Evill;or to make Judges of it,such private men as pretend to be supernaturally Inspired,to the Dissolution of all Civill Government.Faith comes by hearing,and hearing by those accidents,which guide us into the presence of them that speak to us;which accidents are all contrived by God Almighty;and yet are not supernaturall,but onely,for the great number of them that concurre to every efect,unobservable.Faith,and Sanctity,are indeed not very frequent;but yet they are not Miracles,but brought to passe by education,discipline,correction,and other naturall wayes,by which God worketh them in his elect,at such time as he thinketh fit.And these three opinions,pernicious to Peace and Government,have in this part of the world,proceeded chiefly from the tongues,and pens of unlearned Divines;who joyning the words of Holy Scripture together,otherwise than is agreeable to reason,do what they can,to make men think,that Sanctity and Naturall Reason,cannot stand together.
A fourth opinion,repugnant to the nature of a Common-wealth,is this,That he that hath the Soveraign Power,is subject to the Civill Lawes .It is true,that Soveraigns are all subjects to the Lawes of Nature;because such lawes be Divine,and cannot by any man,or Common-wealth be abrogated.But to those Lawes which the Soveraign himselfe,that is,which the Common-wealth maketh,he is not subject.For to be subject to Lawes,is to be subject to the Common-wealth,that is to the Soveraign Representative,that is to himselfe,which is not subjection,but freedome from the Lawes.Which errour,because it setteth the Lawes above the Soveraign,setteth also a Judge above him,and a Power to punish him;which is to make a new Soveraign;and again for the same reason a third,to punish the second;and so continually without end,to the Confusion,and Dissolution of the Commonwealth.
A Fifth doctrine,that tendeth to the Dissolution of a Common-wealth,is,That every private man has an absolute Propriety in his Goods;such,as excludeth the Right of the Soveraign .Every man has indeed a Propriety that excludes the Right of every other Subject:And he has it onely from the Soveraign Power;without the protection whereof,every other man should have equall Right to the same.But if the Right of the Soveraign also be excluded,he cannot performe the office they have put him into;which is,to defend them both from forraign enemies,and from the injuries of one another;and consequently there is no longer a Common-wealth.
And if the Propriety of Subjects,exclude not the Right of the Soveraign Representative to their Goods;much lesse to their offices of Judicature,or Execution,in which they Represent the Soveraign himselfe.
Tere is a Sixth doctrine,plainly,and directly against the essence of a Common-wealth;and 'tis this,That the Soveraign Power may be divided .For what is it to divide the Power of a Common-wealth,but to Dissolve it;for Powers divided mutually destroy each other.And for these doctrines,men are chiefly beholding to some of those,that making profession of the Lawes,endeavour to make them depend upon their own learning,and not upon the Legislative Power.
And as False Doctrine,so also often-times the Example of different Government in a neighbouring Nation,disposeth men to alteration of the forme already setled.So the people of the Jewes were stirred up to reject God,and to call upon the Prophet Samuel ,for a King after the manner of the Nations:So also the lesser Cities of Greece ,were continually disturbed,with seditions of the Aristocraticall,and Democraticall factions;one part of almost every Common-wealth,desiring to imitate the Lacedæmonians,the other,the Athenians.And I doubt not,but many men,have been contented to see the late troubles in England ,out of an imitation of the Low Countries;supposing there needed no more to grow rich,than to change,as they had done,the forme of their Government.For the constitution of mans nature,is of it selfe subject to desire novelty:When therefore they are provoked to the same,by the neighbourhood also of those that have been enriched by it,it is almost impossible for them,not to be content with those that solicite them to change;and love the first beginnings,though they be grieved with the continuance of disorder;like hot blouds,that having gotten the itch,tear themselves with their own nayles,till they can endure the smart no longer.
And as to Rebellion in particular against Monarchy;one of the most frequent causes of it,is the Reading of the books of Policy,and Histories of the antient Greeks,and Romans;from which,young men,and all others that are unprovided of the Antidote of solid Reason,receiving a strong,and delightfull impression,of the great exploits of warre,atchieved by the Conductors of their Armies,receive withall a pleasing Idea,of all they have done besides;and imagine their great prosperity,not to have proceeded from the æmulation of particular men,but from the vertue of their popular forme of government:Not considering the frequent Seditions,and Civill warres,produced by the imperfection of their Policy.From the reading,I say,of such books,men have undertaken to kill their Kings,because the Greek and Latine writers,in their books,and discourses of Policy,make it lawfull,and laudable,for any man so to do;provided before he do it,he call him Tyrant.For they say not Regicide ,that is,killing of a King,but Tyrannicide ,that is,killing of a Tyrant is lawfull.From the same books,they that live under a Monarch conceive an opinion,that the Subjects in a Popular Common-wealth enjoy Liberty;but that in a Monarchy they are all Slaves.I say,they that live under a Monarchy conceive such an opinion;not they that live under a Popular Government:for they find no such matter.In summe,I cannot imagine,how anything can be more prejudiciall to a Monarchy,than the allowing of such books to be publikely read,without present applying such correctives of discreet Masters,as are fit to take away their Venime:Which Venime I will not doubt to compare to the biting of a mad Dogge,which is a disease the Physicians call Hydrophobia,or fear of Water .For as he that is so bitten,has a continuall torment of thirst,and yet abhorreth water;and is in such an estate,as if the poyson endeavoured to convert him into a Dogge:So when a Monarchy is once bitten to the quick,by those Democraticall writers,that continually snarle at that estate;it wanteth nothing more than a strong Monarch,which neverthelesse out of a certain Tyrannophobia ,or feare of being strongly governed,when they have him,they abhorre.
As there have been Doctors,that hold there be three Soules in a man;so there be also that think there may be more Soules,(that is;more Soveraigns,) than one,in a Common-wealth;and set up a Supremacy against the Soveraignty;Canons against Lawes ;and a Ghostly Authority against the Civill ;working on mens minds,with words and distinctions,that of themselves signifie nothing,but bewray (by their obscurity) that there walketh (as some think invisibly) another Kingdome,as it were a Kingdome of Fayries,in the dark.Now seeing it is manifest,that the Civill Power,and the Power of the Common-wealth is the same thing;and that Supremacy,and the Power of making Canons,and granting Faculties,implyeth a Common-wealth;it followeth,that where one is Soveraign,another Supreme;where one can make Lawes,and another make Canons;there must needs be two Common-wealths,of one & the same Subjects;which is a Kingdome divided in it selfe,and cannot stand.For notwithstanding the insignificant distinction of Temporall ,and Ghostly ,they are still two Kingdomes,and every Subject is subject to two Masters.For seeing the Ghostly Power challengeth the Right to declare what is Sinne it challengeth by consequence to declare what is Law,(Sinne being nothing but the transgression of the Law;) and again,the Civill Power challenging to declare what is Law,every Subject must obey two Masters,who both will have their Commands be observed as Law;which is impossible.Or,if it be but one Kingdome,either the Civill ,which is the Power of the Common-wealth,must be subordinate to the Ghostly ,and then there is no Soveraignty but the Ghostly ;or the Ghostly must be subordinate to the Temporall and then there is no Supremacy but the Temporall .When therefore these two Powers oppose one another,the Common-wealth cannot but be in great danger of Civill warre,and Dissolution.For the Civill Authority being more visible,and standing in the cleerer light of naturall reason cannot choose but draw to it in all times a very considerable part of the people:And the Spirituall ,though it stand in the darknesse of Schoole distinctions,and hard words;yet because the fear of Darknesse,and Ghosts,is greater than other fears,cannot want a party sufficient to Trouble,and sometimes to Destroy a Common-wealth.And this is a Disease which not unfitly may be compared to the Epilepsie,or Falling-sicknesse (which the Jewes took to be one kind of possession by Spirits) in the Body Naturall.For as in this Disease,there is an unnaturall spirit,or wind in the head that obstructeth the roots of the Nerves,and moving them violently,taketh away the motion which naturally they should have from the power of the Soule in the Brain,and thereby causeth violent,and irregular motions (which men call Convulsions) in the parts;insomuch as he that is seized therewith,falleth down sometimes into the water,and sometimes into the fre,as a man deprived of his senses;so also in the Body Politique,when the Spirituall power,moveth the Members of a Common-wealth,by the terrour of punishments,and hope of rewards (which are the Nerves of it,) otherwise than by the Civill Power (which is the Soule of the Common-wealth) they ought to be moved;and by strange,and hard words suffocates their understanding,it must needs thereby Distract the people,and either Overwhelm the Common-wealth with Oppression,or cast it into the Fire of a Civill warre.
Sometimes also in the meerly Civill government,there be more than one Soule:As when the Power of levying mony,(which is the Nutritive faculty,) has depended on a generall Assembly;the Power of conduct and command,(which is the Motive faculty,) on one man;and the Power of making Lawes,(which is the Rationall faculty,) on the accidentall consent,not onely of those two,but also of a third;This endangereth the Common-wealth,somtimes for want of consent to good Lawes;but most often for want of such Nourishment,as is necessary to Life,and Motion.For although few perceive,that such government,is not government,but division of the Common-wealth into three Factions,and call it mixt Monarchy;yet the truth is,that it is not one independent Common-wealth,but three independent Factions;nor one Representative Person,but three.In the Kingdome of God,there may be three Persons independent,without breach of unity in God that Reigneth;but where men Reigne,that be subject to diversity of opinions,it cannot be so.And therefore if the King bear the person of the People,and the generall Assembly bear also the person of the People,and another Assembly bear the person of a Part of the people,they are not one Person,nor one Soveraign,but three Persons,and three Soveraigns.
To what Disease in the Naturall Body of man,I may exactly compare this irregularity of a Common-wealth,I know not.But I have seen a man,that had another man growing out of his side,with an head,armes,breast,and stomach,of his own:If he had had another man growing out of his other side,the comparison might then have been exact.
Hitherto I have named such Diseases of a Common-wealth,as are of the greatest,and most present danger.There be other,not so great;which neverthelesse are not unft to be observed.As first,the difficulty of raising Mony,for the necessary uses of the Common-wealth;especially in the approach of warre.This difficulty ariseth from the opinion,that every Subject hath of a Propriety in his lands and goods,exclusive of the Soveraigns Right to the use of the same.From whence it commeth to passe,that the Soveraign Power,which foreseeth the necessities and dangers of the Common-wealth,(finding the passage of mony to the publique Treasure obstructed,by the tenacity of the people,) whereas it ought to extend it selfe,to encounter,and prevent such dangers in their beginnings,contracteth it selfe as long as it can,and when it cannot longer,struggles with the people by stratagems of Law,to obtain little summes,which not sufficing,he is fain at last violently to open the way for present supply,or Perish;and being put ofen to these extremities,at last reduceth the people to their due temper;or else the Common-wealth must perish.Insomuch as we may compare this Distemper very aptly to an Ague;wherein,the fleshy parts being congealed,or by venomous matter obstructed;the Veins which by their naturall course empty themselves into the Heart,are not (as they ought to be) supplyed from the Arteries,whereby there succeedeth at first a cold contraction,and trembling of the limbes;and afterwards a hot,and strong endeavour of the Heart,to force a passage for the Bloud;and before it can do that,contenteth it selfe with the small refreshments of such things as coole for a time,till (if Nature be strong enough) it break at last the contumacy of the parts obstructed,and dissipateth the venome into sweat;or (if Nature be too weak) the Patient dyeth.
Again,there is sometimes in a Common-wealth,a Disease,which resembleth the Pleurisie;and that is,when the Treasure of the Common-wealth,flowing out of its due course,is gathered together in too much abundance,in one,or a few private men,by Monopolies,or by Farmes of the Publique Revenues;in the same manner as the Blood in a Pleurisie,getting into the Membrane of the breast,breedeth there an Inflammation,accompanied with a Fever,and painfull stiches.
Also,the Popularity of a potent Subject,(unlesse the Common-wealth have very good caution of his fidelity,) is a dangerous Disease;because the people (which should receive their motion from the Authority of the Soveraign,) by the flattery,and by the reputation of an ambitious man,are drawn away from their obedience to the Lawes,to follow a man,of whose vertues,and designes they have no knowledge.And this is commonly of more danger in a Popular Government,than in a Monarchy;because an Army is of so great force,and multitude,as it may easily be made believe,they are the People.By this means it was,that Julius
,who was set up by the People against the Senate,having won to himselfe the affections of his Army,made himselfe Master,both of Senate and People.And this proceeding of popular,and ambitious men,is plain Rebellion;and may be resembled to the effects of Witchcraf.
Another infirmity of a Common-wealth,is the immoderate greatnesse of a Town,when it is able to furnish out of its own Circuit,the number,and expence of a great Army:As also the great number of Corporations;which are as it were many lesser Common-wealths in the bowels of a greater,like wormes in the entrayles of a naturall man.To which may be added,the Liberty of Disputing against absolute Power,by pretenders to Politicall Prudence;which though bred for the most part in the Lees of the people;yet animated by False Doctrines,are perpetually medling with the Fundamentall Lawes,to the molestation of the Common-wealth;like the little Wormes,which Physicians call Ascarides .
We may further adde,the insatiable appetite,or Bulimia ,of enlarging Dominion;with the incurable Wounds thereby many times received from the enemy;And the Wens ,of ununited conquests,which are many times a burthen,and with lesse danger lost,than kept;As also the Lethargy of Ease,and Consumption of Riot and Vain Expence.
Lastly,when in a warre (forraign,or intestine,) the enemies get a final Victory;so as (the forces of the Common-wealth keeping the field no longer) there is no farther protection of Subjects in their loyalty;then is the Common-wealth Dissolved,and every man at liberty to protect himselfe by such courses as his own discretion shall suggest unto him.For the Soveraign,is the publique Soule,giving Life and Motion to the Common-wealth;which expiring,the Members are governed by it no more,than the Carcasse of a man,by his departed (though Immortall) Soule.For though the Right of a Soveraign Monarch cannot be extinguished by the act of another;yet the Obligation of the members may.For he that wants protection,may seek it anywhere;and when he hath it,is obliged (without fraudulent pretence of having submitted himselfe out of fear,) to protect his Protection as long as he is able.But when the Power of an Assembly is once suppressed,the Right of the same perisheth utterly;because the Assembly it selfe is extinct;and consequently,there is no possibility for the Soveraignty to re-enter.
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[1] Not included here.
Of the Kingdome of Darknesse
Of Darknesse from Vain Philosophy, and Fabulous Traditions
By Philosophy,is understood the Knowledge acquired by Reasoning,from the Manner of the Generation of any thing,to the Properties;or from the Properties,to some possible Way of Generation of the same;to the end to bee able to produce,as far as matter,and humane force permit,such Effects,as humane life requireth .So the Geometrician,from the Construction of Figures,findeth out many Properties thereof;and from the Properties,new Ways of their Construction,by Reasoning;to the end to be able to measure Land,and Water;and for infinite other uses.So the Astronomer,from the Rising,Setting,and Moving of the Sun,and Starres,in divers parts of the Heavens,findeth out the Causes of Day,and Night,and of the different Seasons of the Year;whereby he keepeth an account of Time:And the like of other Sciences.
By which Definition it is evident,that we are not to account as any part thereof,that originall knowledge called Experience,in which consisteth Prudence:Because it is not attained by Reasoning,but found as well in Brute Beasts,as in Man;and is but a Memory of successions of events in times past,wherein the omission of every little circumstance altering the efect,frustrateth the expectation of the most Prudent:whereas nothing is produced by Reasoning aright,but generall,eternall,and immutable Truth.
Nor are we therefore to give that name to any false Conclusions:For he that Reasoneth aright in words he understandeth,can never conclude an Error:
Nor to that which any man knows by supernaturall Revelation;because it is not acquired by Reasoning:
Nor that which is gotten by Reasoning from the Authority of Books;because it is not by Reasoning from the Cause to the Effect,nor from the Effect to the Cause;and is not Knowledg,but Faith.
Te faculty of Reasoning being consequent to the use of Speech,it was not possible,but that there should have been some generall Truthes found out by Reasoning,as ancient almost as Language it selfe.The Savages of America,are not without some good Morall Sentences;also they have a little Arithmetick,to adde,and divide in Numbers not too great:but they are not therefore Philosophers.For as there were Plants of Corn and Wine in small quantity dispersed in the Fields and Woods,before men knew their vertue,or made use of them for their nourishment,or planted them apart in Fields,and Vineyards;in which time they fed on Akorns,and drank Water:so also there have been divers true,generall,and profitable Speculations from the beginning;as being the naturall plants of humane Reason:But they were at first but few in number;men lived upon grosse Experience;there was no Method;that is to say,no Sowing,nor Planting of Knowledge by it self,apart from the Weeds,and common Plants of Errour and Conjecture:And the cause of it being the want of leasure from procuring the necessities of life,and defending themselves against their neighbors,it was impossible,till the erecting of great Common-wealths,it should be otherwise.Leasure is the mother of Philosophy
;and Common-wealth
,the mother of Peace
,and Leasure
:Where first were great and flourishing Cities
,there was first the study of Philosophy
.The Gymnosophists
of India
,the Magi
of Persia
,and the Priests
of
and Egypt
,are counted the most ancient Philosophers;and those Countreys were the most ancient of Kingdomes.Philosophy
was not risen to the
,and other people of the West,whose Commonwealths
(no greater perhaps then Lucca
,or Geneva
) had never Peace
,but when their fears of one another were equall;nor the Leasure
to observe any thing but one another.At length,when Warre had united many of these
lesser Cities,into fewer,and greater;then began Seven men
,of severall parts of Greece
,to get the reputation of being Wise
;some of them for Morall
and Politique
Sentences;and others for the learning of the
and Egyptians
,which was Astronomy
,and Geometry
.But we hear not yet of any Schools
of Philosophy
.
Afer the Athenians
by the overthrow of the Persian
Armies,had gotten the Dominion of the Sea;and thereby,of all the Islands,and Maritime Cities of the Archipelago
,as well of Asia
as Europe
;and were grown wealthy;they that had no employment,neither at home,nor abroad,had little else to employ themselves in,but either (as St.Luke
says,Acts
17.21.) in telling and hearing news
,or in discoursing of Philosophy
publiquely to the youth of the City.Every Master took some place for that purpose.Plato
in certain publique Walks called Academia
,from one Academus:Aristotle
in the Walk of the Temple of Pan
,called
:others in the Stoa,or covered Walk,wherein the Merchants Goods were brought to land:others in other places;where they spent the time of their Leasure,in teaching or in disputing of their Opinions:and some in any place,where they could get the youth of the City together to hear them talk.And this was it which Carneades
also did at Rome
,when he was Ambassadour:which caused Cato
to advise the Senate to dispatch him quickly,for feare of corrupting the manners of the young men that delighted to hear him speak (as they thought) fne things.
From this it was,that the place where any of them taught,and disputed,was called Schola
,which in their Tongue signifieth Leasure
;and their Disputations,
,that is to say,Passing of the time
.Also the Philosophers themselves had the name of their Sects,some of them from these their Schools:For they that followed Plato's
Doctrine,were called Academiques
;Te followers of Aristotle,Peripatetiques
,from the Walk hee taught in;and those that Zeno taught,Stoiques
,from the Stoa
:as if we should denominate men from More-fields
,from Pauls-Church
,and from the Exchange
,because they meet there ofen,to prate and loyter.
Neverthelesse,men were so much taken with this custome,that in time it spread it selfe over all Europe,and the best part of Afrique;so as there were Schools publiquely erected,and maintained for Lectures,and Disputations,almost in every Common-wealth.
Tere were also Schools,anciently,both before,and afer the time of our Saviour,amongst the Jews :but they were Schools of their Law.For though they were called Synagogues ,that is to say,Congregations of the People;yet in as much as the Law was every Sabbath day read,expounded,and disputed in them,they differed not in nature,but in name onely from Pubhque Schools;and were not onely in Jerusalem,but in every City of the Gentiles,where the Jews inhabited.There was such a Schoole at Damascus ,whereinto Paul entred,to persecute.There were others at Antioch,Iconium and Tessalonica ,whereinto he entred,to dispute:And such was the Synagogue of the Libertines,Cyrenians,Alexandrians,Cilicians ,and those of Asia ;that is to say,the Schoole of Libertines ,and of Jewes ,that were strangers in Jerusalem :And of this Schoole they were that disputed (Act. 6.9.) with Saint Steven .
But what has been the Utility of those Schools?what Science is there at this day acquired by their Readings and Disputings?That wee have of Geometry,which is the Mother of all Naturall Science,wee are not indebted for it to the Schools.Plato that was the best Philosopher of the Greeks,forbad entrance into his Schoole,to all that were not already in some measure Geometricians.There were many that studied that Science to the great advantage of mankind:but there is no mention of their Schools;nor was there any Sect of Geometricians;nor did they then passe under the name of Philosophers.Te naturall Philosophy of those Schools,was rather a Dream than Science,and set forth in senselesse and insignificant Language;which cannot be avoided by those that will teach Philosophy,without having first attained great knowledge in Geometry:For Nature worketh by Motion;the Wayes,and Degrees whereof cannot be known,without the knowledge of the Proportions and Properties of Lines,and Figures.Their Morall Philosophy is but a description of their own Passions.For the rule of Manners,without Civill Government,is the Law of Nature;and in it,the Law Civill;that determineth what is Honest,and Dishonest;what is Just ,and Unjust ;and generally what is Good ,and Evill :whereas they make the Rules of Good ,and Bad ,by their own Liking ,and Disliking :By which means,in so great diversity of taste,there is nothing generally agreed on;but every one doth (as far as he dares) whatsoever seemeth good in his owne eyes,to the subversion of Common-wealth.Their Logique which should bee the Method of Reasoning,is nothing else but Captions of Words,and Inventions how to puzzle such as should goe about to pose them.To conclude,there is nothing so absurd,that the old Philosophers (as Cicero saith,who was one of them) have not some of them maintained.And I beleeve that scarce any thing can be more absurdly said in naturall Philosophy,than that which now is called Aristotles Metaphysiques ;nor more repugnant to Government,than much of that hee hath said in his Politiques ;nor more ignorantly,than a great part of his Ethiques .
The Schoole of the Jews,was originally a Schoole of the Law of Moses ;who commanded (Deut .31.10.) that at the end of every seventh year,at the Feast of the Tabernacles,it should be read to all the people,that they might hear,and learn it:Therefore the reading of the Law (which was in use after the Captivity) every Sabbath day,ought to have had no other end,but the acquainting of the people with the Commandements which they were to obey,and to expound unto them the writings of the Prophets.But it is manifest,by the many reprehensions of them by our Saviour,that they corrupted the Text of the Law with their false Commentaries,and vain Traditions;and so little understood the Prophets,that they did neither acknowledge Christ,nor the works he did;of which the Prophets prophecyed.So that by their Lectures and Disputations in their Synagogues,they turned the Doctrine of their Law into a Phantasticall kind of Philosophy,concerning the incomprehensible nature of God,and of Spirits;which they compounded of the Vain Philosophy and Theology of the Gr cians,mingled with their own fancies,drawn from the obscurer places of the Scripture,and which might most easily bee wrested to their purpose;and from the Fabulous Traditions of their Ancestors.
That which is now called an University ,is a Joyning together,and an Incorporation under one Government of many Publique Schools,in one and the same Town or City.In which,the principall Schools were ordained for the three Professions,that is to say,of the Romane Religion,of the Romane Law,and of the Art of Medicine.And for the study of Philosophy it hath no otherwise place,then as a handmaid to the Romane Religion:And since the Authority of Aristotle is onely current there,that study is not properly Philosophy,(the nature whereof dependeth not on Authors,) but Aristotelity.And for Geometry,till of very late times it had no place at all;as being subservient to nothing but rigide Truth.And if any man by the ingenuity of his owne nature,had attained to any degree of perfection therein,hee was commonly thought a Magician,and his Art Diabolicall.
Now to descend to the particular Thenets of Vain Philosophy,derived to the Universities,and thence into the Church,partly from Aristotle,partly from Blindnesse of understanding;I shall first consider their Principles.There is a certain Philosophia prima ,on which all other Philosophy ought to depend;and consisteth principally,in right limiting of the significations of such Appellations,or Names,as are of all others the most Universall:Which Limitations serve to avoid ambiguity,and quivocation in Reasoning;and are commonly called Definitions;such as are the Definitions of Body,Time,Place,Matter,Forrne,Essence,Subject,Substance,Accident,Power,Act,Finite,Infnite,Quantity,Quality,Motion,Action,Passion,and divers others,necessary to the explaining of a mans Conceptions concerning the Nature and Generation of Bodies.The Explication(that is,the setling of the meaning) of which,and the like Terms,is commonly in the Schools called Metaphysiques ;as being a part of the Philosophy of Aristotle,which hath that for title:but it is in another sense;for there it signifieth as much,as Books written,or placed after his naturall Philosophy :But the Schools take them for Books of supernaturall Philosophy :for the word Metaphysiques will bear both these senses.And indeed that which is there written,is for the most part so far from the possibility of being understood,and so repugnant to naturall Reason,that whosoever thinketh there is any thing to bee understood by it,must needs think it supematurall.
From these Metaphysiques,which are mingled with the Scripture to make Schoole Divinity,wee are told,there be in the world certaine Essences separated from Bodies,which they call Abstract Essences,and Substantiall Formes :For the Interpreting of which Jargon ,there is need of somewhat more than ordinary attention in this place.Also I ask pardon of those that are not used to this kind of Discourse,for applying my selfe to those that are.Te World,(I mean not the Earth onely,that denominates the Lovers of it Worldly men ,but the Universe ,that is,the whole masse of all things that are) is Corporeall,that is to say,Body;and hath the dimensions of Magnitude,namely,Length,Bredth,and Depth:also every part of Body,is likewise Body,and hath the like dimensions;and consequently every part of the Universe,is Body,and that which is not Body,is no part of the Universe:And because the Universe is All,that which is no part of it,is Nothing ;and consequently no where .Nor does it follow from hence,that Spirits are nothing :for they have dimensions,and are therefore really Bodies ;though that name in common Speech be given to such Bodies onely,as are visible,or palpable;that is,that have some degree of Opacity:But for Spirits,they call them Incorporeall;which is a name of more honour,and may therefore with more piety bee attributed to God himselfe;in whom wee consider not what Attribute expresseth best his Nature,which is Incomprehensible;but what best expresseth our desire to honour Him.
To know now upon what grounds they say there be Essences Abstract
,or Substantiall Formes
,wee are to consider what those words do properly signifie.Te use of Words,is to register to our selves,and make manifest to others the Toughts and Conceptions of our Minds.Of which Words,some are the names of the Things conceived;as the names of all sorts of Bodies,that work upon the Senses,and leave an Impression in the Imagination:Others are the names of the Imaginations themselves;that is to say,of those Ideas,or mentall Images we have of all things wee see,or remember:And others againe are names of Names;or of different sorts of Speech:As Universall,Plurall,Singular,are the names of Names;and Definition,Affirmation,Negation,True,False,Syllogisme,Interrogation,Promise,Covenant
,are the names of certain Forms of Speech.Others serve to shew the Consequence,or Repugnance of one name to another;as when one saith,A Man is a Body
,bee intendeth that the name of Body
is necessarily consequent to the name of Man
;as being but severall names of the same thing,Man
;which Consequence is signified by coupling them together with the word Is
.And as wee use the Verbe Is
;so the Latines use their Verbe Est
,and the Greeks their
through all its Declinations.Whether all other Nations of the world have in their severall languages a word that answereth to it,or not,I cannot tell;but I am sure they have not need of it:For the placing of two names in order may serve to signifie their Consequence,if it were the custome,(for Custome is it,that give words their force,) as well as the words Is
,or Bee
,or Are
,and the like.
And if it were so,that there were a Language without any Verb answerable to Est ,or Is ,or Bee ;yet the men that used it would bee not a jot the lesse capable of Inferring,Concluding,and of all kind of Reasoning,than were the Greeks,and Latines.But what then would become of these Terms,of Entity,Essence,Essentiall,Essentiality ,that are derived from it,and of many more that depend on these,applyed as most commonly they are?They are therefore no Names of Tings;but Signes,by which wee make known,that wee conceive the Consequence of one name or Attribute to another:as when we say,a Man,is,a living Body ,wee mean not that the Man is one thing,the Living Body another,and the Is ,or Beeing a third:but that the Man ,and the Living Body ,is the same thing:because the Consequence,If hee bee a Man,bee is a living Body ,is a true Consequence,signified by that word Is .Terefore,to bee a Body,to Walke,to bee Speaking,to Live,to See ,and the like Infinitives;also Corporeity,Walking,Speaking,Life,Sight ,and the like,that signifie just the same,are the names of Nothing ;as I have elsewhere more amply expressed.
But to what purpose (may some man say) is such subtilty in a work of this nature,where I pretend to nothing but what is necessary to the doctrine of Government and Obedience?It is to this purpose,that men may no longer suffer themselves to be abused,by them,that by this doctrine of Separated Essences ,built on the Vain Philosophy of Aristotle,would fright them from Obeying the Laws of their Countrey,with empty names;as men fright Birds from the Corn with an empty doublet,a hat,and a crooked stick.For it is upon this ground,that when a Man is dead and buried,they say his Soule (that is his Life) can walk separated from his Body,and is seen by night amongst the graves.Upon the same ground they say,that the Figure,and Colour,and Tast of a peece of Bread,has a being,there,where they say there is no Bread:And upon the same ground they say,that Faith,and Wisdome,and other Vertues are sometimes powred into a man,sometimes blown into him from Heaven;as if the Vertuous,and their Vertues could be asunder;and a great many other things that serve to lessen the dependence of Subjects on the Soveraign Power of their Countrey.For who will endeavour to obey the Laws,if he expect Obedience to be Powred or Blown into him?Or who will not obey a Priest,that can make God,rather than his Soveraign;nay than God himselfe?Or who,that is in fear of Ghosts,will not bear great respect to those that can make the Holy Water,that drives them from him?And this shall suffice for an example of the Errors,which are brought into the Church,from the Entities ,and Essences of Aristotle:which it may be he knew to be false Philosophy;but writ it as a thing consonant to,and corroborative of their Religion;and fearing the fate of Socrates.
Being once fallen into this Error of Separated Essences ,they are thereby necessarily involved in many other absurdities that follow it.For seeing they will have these Forms to be reall,they are obliged to assign them some place .But because they hold them Incorporeall,without all dimension of Quantity,and all men know that Place is Dimension,and not to be filled,but by that which is Corporeall;they are driven to uphold their credit with a distinction,that they are not indeed any where Circumscriptivè ,but Definitive :Which Terms being meer Words,and in this occasion insignificant,passe onely in Latine,that the vanity of them may bee concealed.For the Circumscription of a thing,is nothing else but the Determination,or Defining of its Place;and so both the Terms of the Distinction are the same.And in particular,of the Essence of a Man,which (they say) is his Soule,they affirm it,to be All of it in his little Finger,and All of it in every other Part (how small soever) of his Body;and yet no more Soule in the Whole Body,than in any one of those Parts.Can any man think that God is served with such absurdities?And yet all this is necessary to beleeve,to those that will beleeve the Existence of an Incorporeall Soule,Separated from the Body.
And when they come to give account,how an Incorporeall Substance can be capable of Pain,and be tormented in the fire of Hell,or Purgatory,they have nothing at all to answer,but that it cannot be known how fre can burn Soules.
Again,whereas Motion is change of Place,and Incorporeall Substances are not capable of Place,they are troubled to make it seem possible,how a Soule can goe hence,without the Body to Heaven,Hell,or Purgatory;and how the Ghosts of men (and I may adde of their clothes which they appear in) can walk by night in Churches,Churchyards,and other places of Sepulture.To which I know not what they can answer,unlesse they will say,they walke definitivè ,not circumscriptivè ,or spiritually ,not temporally :for such egregious distinctions are equally applicable to any difficulty whatsoever.
For the meaning of Eternity,they will not have it to be an Endlesse Succession of Time;for then they should not be able to render a reason how Gods Will,and Præordaining of things to come,should not be before his Præscience of the same,as the Efficient Cause before the Effect,or Agent before the Action;nor of many other their bold opinions concerning the Incomprehensible Nature of God.But they will teach us,that Eternity is the Standing still of the Present Time,a Nunc-stans (as the Schools call it;) which neither they,nor any else understand,no more than they would a Hic-stans for an Infinite greatnesse of Place.
And whereas men divide a Body in their thought,by numbring parts of it,and in numbring those parts,number also the parts of the Place it filled;it cannot be,but in making many parts,wee make also many places of those parts;whereby there cannot bee conceived in the mind of any man,more,or fewer parts,than there are places for:yet they will have us beleeve,that by the Almighty power of God,one body may be at one and the same time in many places;and many bodies at one and the same time in one place;as if it were an acknowledgment of the Divine Power,to say,that which is,is not;or that which has been,has not been.And these are but a small part of the Incongruities they are forced to,from their disputing Philosophically,in stead of admiring,and adoring of the Divine and Incomprehensible Nature;whose Attributes cannot signifie what he is,but ought to signifie our desire to honour him,with the best Appellations we can think on.But they that venture to reason of his Nature,from these Attributes of Honour,losing their understanding in the very first attempt,fall from one Inconvenience into another,without end,and without number;in the same manner,as when a man ignorant of the Ceremonies of Court,comming into the presence of a greater Person than he is used to speak to,and stumbling at his entrance,to save himselfe from falling,lets slip his Cloake;to recover his Cloake,lets fall his Hat;and with one disorder after another,discovers his astonishment and rusticity.
Then for Physiques ,that is,the knowledge of the subordinate,and secundary causes of naturall events;they render none at all,but empty words.If you desire to know why some kind of bodies sink naturally downwards toward the Earth,and others goe naturally from it;The Schools will tell you out of Aristotle,that the bodies that sink downwards,are Heavy ;and that this Heavinesse is it that causes them to descend:But if you ask what they mean by Heavinesse ,they will define it to bee an endeavour to goe to the center of the Earth:so that the cause why things sink downward,is an Endeavour to be below:which is as much as to say,that bodies descend,or ascend,because they doe.Or they will tell you the center of the Earth is the place of Rest,and Conservation for Heavy things;and therefore they endeavour to be there:As if Stones,and Metalls had a desire,or could discern the place they would bee at,as Man does;or loved Rest,as Man does not;or that a peece of Glasse were lesse safe in the Window,than falling into the Street.
If we would know why the same Body seems greater (without adding to it) one time,than another;they say,when it seems lesse,it is Condensed ;when greater,Rarefied .What is that Condensed ,and Rarefied ?Condensed,is when there is in the very same Matter,lesse Quantity than before;and Rarefed,when more.As if there could be Matter,that had not some determined Quantity;when Quantity is nothing else but the Determination of Matter;that is to say of Body,by which we say one Body is greater,or lesser than another,by thus,or thus much.Or as if a Body were made without any Quantity at all,and that afterwards more,or lesse were put into it,according as it is intended the Body should be more,or lesse Dense.
For the cause of the Soule of Man,they say,Creatur Infundendo ,and Creando Infunditur :that is,It is Created by Powring it in ,and Powred in by Creation .
For the Cause of Sense,an ubiquity of Species ;that is,of the Shews or Apparitions of objects;which when they be Apparitions to the Eye,is Sight ;when to the Eare,Hearing ;to the Palate,Tast ;to the Nostrill,Smelling ;and to the rest of the Body,Feeling .
For cause of the Will,to doe any particular action,which is called Volitio ,they assign the Faculty,that is to say,the Capacity in generall,that men have,to will sometimes one thing,sometimes another,which is called Voluntas ;making the Power the cause of the Act:As if one should assign for cause of the good or evill Acts of men,their Ability to doe them.
And in many occasions they put for cause of Naturall events,their own Ignorance,but disguised in other words:As when they say,Fortune is the cause of things contingent;that is,of things whereof they know no cause:And as when they attribute many Effects to occult qualities ;that is,qualities not known to them;and therefore also (as they thinke) to no Man else.And to Sympathy,Antipathy,Antiperistasis,Speeificall Qualities ,and other like Termes,which signifie neither the Agent that produceth them,nor the Operation by which they are produced.
If such Metaphysiques ,and Physiques as this,be not Vain Philosophy ,there was never any;nor needed St.Paul to give us warning to avoid it.
And for their Morall,and Civill Philosophy,it hath the same,or greater absurdities.If a man doe an action of Injustice,that is to say,an action contrary to the Law,God they say is the prime cause of the Law,and also the prime cause of that,and all other Actions;but no cause at all of the Injustice;which is the Inconformity of the Action to the Law.This is Vain Philosophy.A man might as well say,that one man maketh both a streight line,and a crooked,and another maketh their Incongruity.And such is the Philosophy of all men that resolve of their Conclusions,before they know their Premises;pretending to comprehend,that which is Incomprehensible;and of Attributes of Honour to make Attributes of Nature;as this distinction was made to maintain the Doctrine of Free-Will,that is,of a Will of man,not subject to the Will of God.
Aristotle,and other Heathen Philosophers define Good,and Evill,by the Appetite of men;and well enough,as long as we consider them governed every one by his own Law:For in the condition of men that have no other Law but their own Appetites,there can be no generall Rule of Good,and Evill Actions.But in a Common-wealth this measure is false:Not the Appetite of Private men,but the Law,which is the Will and Appetite of the State is the measure.And yet is this Doctrine still practised;and men judge the Goodnesse,or Wickednesse of their own,and of other mens actions,and of the actions of the Common-wealth it selfe,by their own Passions;and no man calleth Good or Evill,but that which is so in his own eyes,without any regard at all to the Publique Laws;except onely Monks,and Friers,that are bound by Vow to that simple obedience to their Superiour,to which every Subject ought to think himself bound by the Law of Nature to the Civill Soveraign.And this private measure of Good,is a Doctrine,not onely Vain,but also Pernicious to the Publique State.
It is also Vain and false Philosophy,to say the work of Marriage is repugnant to Chastity,or Continence,and by consequence to make them Morall Vices;as they doe,that pretend Chastity,and Continence,for the ground of denying Marriage to the Clergy.For they confesse it is no more,but a Constitution of the Church,that requireth in those holy Orders that continually attend the Altar,and administration of the Eucharist,a continuall Abstinence from women,under the name of continuall Chastity,Continence,and Purity.Therefore they call the lawfull use of Wives,want of Chastity,and Continence;and so make Marriage a Sin,or at least a thing so impure,and unclean,as to render a man unft for the Altar.If the Law were made because the use of Wives is Incontinence,and contrary to Chastity,then all Marriage is vice:If because it is a thing too impure,and unclean for a man consecrated to God;much more should other naturall,necessary,and daily works which all men doe,render men unworthy to bee Priests,because they are more unclean.
But the secret foundation of this prohibition of Marriage of Priests,is not likely to have been laid so slightly,as upon such errours in Morall Philosophy;nor yet upon the preference of single life,to the estate of Matrimony;which proceeded from the wisdome of St.Paul,who perceived how inconvenient a thing it was,for those that in those times of persecution were Preachers of the Gospel,and forced to fly from one countrey to another,to be clogged with the care of wife and children;but upon the designe of the Popes,and Priests of after times,to make themselves the Clergy,that is to say,sole Heirs of the Kingdome of God in this world;to which it was necessary to take from them the use of Marriage,because our Saviour saith,that at the coming of his Kingdome the Children of God shall neither Marry,nor bee given in Marriage,but shall bee as the Angels in heaven ;that is to say,Spirituall.Seeing then they had taken on them the name of Spirituall,to have allowed themselves (when there was no need) the propriety of Wives,had been an Incongruity.
From Aristotles Civill Philosophy,they have learned,to call all manner of Common-wealths but the Popular,(such as was at that time the state of Athens,)Tyranny .All Kings they called Tyrants;and the Aristocracy of the thirty Governours set up there by the Lacedemonians that subdued them,the thirty Tyrants:As also to call the condition of the people under the Democracy,Liberty .A Tyrant originally signified no more simply,but a Monarch :But when afterwards in most parts of Greece that kind of government was abolished,the name began to signifie,not onely the thing it did before,but with it,the hatred which the Popular States bare towards it:As also the name of King became odious afer the deposing of the Kings in Rome,as being a thing naturall to all men,to conceive some great Fault to be signified in any Attribute,that is given in despight,and to a great Enemy.And when the same men shall be displeased with those that have the administration of the Democracy,or Aristocracy,they are not to seek for disgracefull names to expresse their anger in;but call readily the one Anarchy ,and the other,Oligarchy ,or the Tyranny of a Few .And that which offendeth the People,is no other thing,but that they are governed,not as every one of them would himselfe,but as the Publique Representant,be it one Man,or an Assembly of men thinks ft;that is,by an Arbitrary government:for which they give evill names to their Superiors;never knowing (till perhaps a little afer a Civill warre) that without such Arbitrary government,such Warre must be perpetuall;and that it is Men,and Arms,not Words,and Promises,that make the Force and Power of the Laws.
And therefore this is another Errour of Aristotles Politiques,that in a wel ordered Common-wealth,not Men should govern,but the Laws.What man,that has his naturall Senses,though he can neither write nor read,does not find himself governed by them he fears,and beleeves can kill or hurt him when he obeyeth not?or that beleeves the Law can hurt him;that is,Words,and Paper,without the Hands,and Swords of men?And this is of the number of pernicious Errors:for they induce men,as oft as they like not their Govemours,to adh re to those that call them Tyrants,and to think it lawfull to raise warre against them:And yet they are many times cherished from the Pulpit,by the Clergy.
There is another Errour in their Civill Philosophy (which they never learned of Aristotle,nor Cicero,nor any other of the Heathen,) to extend the power of the Law,which is the Rule of Actions onely,to the very Thoughts,and Consciences of men,by Examination,and Inquisition of what they Hold,notwithstanding the Conformity of their Speech and Actions:By which,men are either punished for answering the truth of their thoughts,or constrained to answer an untruth for fear of punishment.It is true,that the Civill Magistrate,intending to employ a Minister in the charge of Teaching,may enquire of him,if hee bee content to Preach such,and such Doctrines;and in case of refusall,may deny him the employment:But to force him to accuse himselfe of Opinions,when his Actions are not by Law forbidden,is against the Law of Nature;and especially in them,who teach,that a man shall bee damned to Eternall and extream torments,if he die in a false opinion concerning an Article of the Christian Faith.For who is there,that knowing there is so great danger in an error,whom the naturall care of himself,compelleth not to hazard his Soule upon his own judgement,rather than that of any other man that is unconcerned in his damnation?
For a Private man,without the Authority of the Common-wealth,that is to say,without permission from the Representant thereof,to Interpret the Law by his own Spirit,is another Error in the Politiques;but not drawn from Aristotle,nor from any other of the Heathen Philosophers.For none of them deny,but that in the Power of making Laws,is comprehended also the Power of Explaining them when there is need.And are not the Scriptures,in all places where they are Law,made Law by the Authority of the Common-wealth,and consequently,a part of the Civill Law?
Of the same kind it is also,when any but the Soveraign restraineth in any man that power which the Common-wealth hath not restrained;as they do,that impropriate the Preaching of the Gospell to one certain Order of men,where the Laws have lef it free.If the State give me leave to preach,or teach;that is,if it forbid me not,no man can forbid me.If I find my selfe amongst the Idolaters of America,shall I that am a Christian,though not in Orders,think it a sin to preach Jesus Christ,till I have received Orders from Rome?or when I have preached,shall not I answer their doubts,and expound the Scriptures to them;that is,shall I not Teach?But for this may some say,as also for administring to them the Sacraments,the necessity shall be esteemed for a sufficient Mission;which is true:But this is true also,that for whatsoever,a dispensation is due for the necessity,for the same there needs no dispensation,when there is no Law that forbids it.Terefore to deny these Functions to those,to whom the Civill Soveraigne hath not denyed them,is a taking away of a lawfull Liberty,which is contrary to the Doctrine of Civill Government.
More examples of Vain Philosophy,brought into Religion by the Doctors of Schoole-Divinity,might be produced;but other men may if they please observe them of themselves.I shall onely adde this,that the Writings of Schoole-Divines,are nothing else for the most part,but insignificant Traines of strange and barbarous words,or words otherwise used,then in the common use of the Latine tongue;such as would pose Cicero,and Varro,and all the Grammarians of ancient Rome.Which if any man would see proved,let him (as I have said once before) see whether he can translate any Schoole-Divine into any of the Modern tongues,as French,English,or any other copious language:for that which cannot in most of these be made Intelligible,is not Intelligible in the Latine.Which Insignificancy of language,though I cannot note it for false Philosophy;yet it hath a quality,not onely to hide the Truth,but also to make men think they have it,and desist from further search.
Lastly,for the Errors brought in from false,or uncertain History,what is all the Legend of fictitious Miracles,in the lives of the Saints;and all the Histories of Apparitions,and Ghosts,alledged by the Doctors of the Romane Church,to make good their Doctrines of Hell,and Purgatory,the power of Exorcisme,and other Doctrines which have no warrant,neither in Reason,nor Scripture;as also all those Traditions which they call the unwritten Word of God;but old Wives Fables?Whereof,though they find dispersed somewhat in the Writings of the ancient Fathers;yet those Fathers were men,that might too easily beleeve false reports;and the producing of their opinions for testimony of the truth of what they beleeved,hath no other force with them that (according to the Counsell of St.John 1 Epist.chap.4.verse 1.) examine Spirits,than in all things that concern the power of the Romane Church,(the abuse whereof either they suspected not,or had benefit by it,) to discredit their testimony,in respect of too rash beleef of reports;which the most sincere men,without great knowledge of naturall causes,(such as the Fathers were) are commonly the most subject to:For naturally,the best men are the least suspicious of fraudulent purposes.Gregory the Pope,and S.Bernard have somewhat of Apparitions of Ghosts,that said they were in Purgatory;and so has our Beda:but no where,I beleeve,but by report from others.But if they,or any other,relate any such stories of their own knowledge,they shall not thereby confirm the more such vain reports;but discover their own Infirmity,or Fraud.
With the Introduction of False,we may joyn also the suppression of True Philosophy,by such men,as neither by lawfull authority,nor sufficient study,are competent Judges of the truth.Our own Navigations make manifest,and all men learned in humane Sciences,now acknowledge there are Antipodes:And every day it appeareth more and more,that Years,and Dayes are determined by Motions of the Earth.Neverthelesse,men that have in their Writings but supposed such Doctrine,as an occasion to lay open the reasons for,and against it,have been punished for it by Authority Ecclesiasticall.But what reason is there for it?Is it because such opinions are contrary to true Religion?that cannot be,if they be true.Let therefore the truth be first examined by competent Judges,or confuted by them that pretend to know the contrary.Is it because they be contrary to the Religion established?Let them be silenced by the Laws of those,to whom the Teachers of them are subject;that is,by the Laws Civill:For disobedience may lawfully be punished in them,that against the Laws teach even true Philosophy.Is it because they tend to disorder in Government,as countenancing Rebellion,or Sedition?then let them be silenced,and the Teachers punished by vertue of his Power to whom the care of the Publique quiet is committed;which is the Authority Civill.For whatsoever Power Ecclesiastiques take upon themselves (in any place where they are subject to the State) in their own Right,though they call it Gods Right,is but Usurpation.
Of the Benefit that proceedeth from such Darknesse,and to whom it accreweth
Cicero maketh honorable mention of one of the Cassii ,a severe Judge amongst the Romans,for a custome he had,in Criminall causes,(when the testimony of the witnesses was not sufficient,) to ask the Accusers,Cui bono ;that is to say,what Profit,Honor,or other Contentment,the accused obtained,or expected by the Fact.For amongst Præsumptions,there is none that so evidently declareth the Author,as doth the Benefit of the Action.By the same rule I intend in this place to examine,who they may be,that have possessed the People so long in this part of Christendome,with these Doctrines,contrary to the Peaceable Societies of Mankind.
And first,to this Error,that the present Church now Militant on Earth,is the Kingdome of God ,(that is,the Kingdome of Glory,or the Land of Promise;not the Kingdome of Grace,which is but a Promise of the Land,) are annexed these worldly Benefits,First,that the Pastors,and Teachers of the Church,are entitled thereby,as Gods Publique Ministers,to a Right of Governing the Church;and consequently (because the Church,and Common-wealth are the same Persons) to be Rectors,and Governours of the Common-wealth.By this title it is,that the Pope prevailed with the subjects of all Christian Princes,to beleeve,that to disobey him,was to disobey Christ himselfe;and in all differences between him and other Princes,(charmed with the word Power Spirituall ,) to abandon their lawfull Soveraigns;which is in effect an universall Monarchy over all Christendome.For though they were first invested in the right of being Supreme Teachers of Christian Doctrine,by,and under Christian Emperors,within the limits of the Romane Empire (as is acknowledged by themselves) by the title of Pontifex Maximus ,who was an Officer subject to the Civill State;yet after the Empire was divided,and dissolved,it was not hard to obtrude upon the people already subject to them,another Title,namely,the Right of St.Peter;not onely to save entire their pretended Power;but also to extend the same over the same Christian Provinces,though no more united in the Empire of Rome.This Beneft of an Universall Monarchy,(considering the desire of men to bear Rule) is a sufficient Presumption,that the Popes that pretended to it,and for a long time enjoyed it,were the Authors of the Doctrine,by which it was obtained;namely,that the Church now on Earth,is the Kingdome of Christ.For that granted,it must be understood,that Christ hath some Lieutenant amongst us,by whom we are to be told what are his Commandements.
After that certain Churches had renounced this universall Power of the Pope,one would expect in reason,that the Civill Soveraigns in all those Churches,should have recovered so much of it,as (before they had unadvisedly let it goe) was their own Right,and in their own hands.And in England it was so in efect;saving that they,by whom the Kings administred the Government of Religion,by maintaining their imployment to be in Gods Right,seemed to usurp,if not a Supremacy,yet an Independency on the Civill Power:and they but seemed to usurpe it,in as much as they acknowledged a Right in the King,to deprive them of the Exercise of their Functions at his pleasure.
But in those places where the Presbytery took that Ofce,though many other Doctrines of the Church of Rome were forbidden to be taught;yet this Doctrine,that the Kingdome of Christ is already come,and that it began at the Resurrection of our Saviour,was still retained.But cui bono ?What Profit did they expect from it?The same which the Popes expected:to have a Soveraign Power over the People.For what is it for men to excommunicate their lawful King,but to keep him from all places of Gods publique Service in his own Kingdom?and with force to resist him,when he with force endeavoureth to correct them?Or what is it,without Authority from the Civill Soveraign,to excommunicate any person,but to take from him his Lawfull Liberty,that is,to usurpe an unlawfull Power over their Brethren?The Authors therefore of this Darknesse in Religion,are the Romane,and the Presbyterian Clergy.
To this head,I referre also all those Doctrines,that serve them to keep the possession of this spirituall Soveraignty after it is gotten.As first,that the Pope in his publique capacity cannot erre .For who is there,that beleeving this to be true,will not readily obey him in whatsoever he commands?
Secondly,that all other Bishops,in what Common-wealth soever,have not their Right,neither immediately from God,nor mediately from their Civill Soveraigns,but from the Pope,is a Doctrine,by which there comes to be in every Christian Common-wealth many potent men,(for so are Bishops,) that have their dependance on the Pope,and owe obedience to him,though he be a forraign Prince;by which means he is able,(as he hath done many times) to raise a Civill War against the State that submits not it self to be governed according to his pleasure and Interest.
Thirdly,the exemption of these,and of all other Priests,and of all Monkes,and Fryers,from the Power of the Civill Laws.For by this means,there is a great part of every Common-wealth,that enjoy the benefit of the Laws,and are protected by the Power of the Civill State,which neverthelesse pay no part of the Publique expence;nor are lyable to the penalties,as other Subjects,due to their crimes;and consequently,stand not in fear of any man,but the Pope;and adhere to him onely,to uphold his universall Monarchy.
Fourthly,the giving to their Priests (which is no more in the New Testament but Presbyters,that is,Elders) the name of Sacerdotes ,that is,Sacrificers,which was the title of the Civill Soveraign,and his publique Ministers,amongst the Jews,whilest God was their King.Also,the making the Lords Supper a Sacrifice,serveth to make the People beleeve the Pope hath the same power over all Christians,that Moses and Aaron had over the Jews;that is to say,all Power,both Civill and Ecclesiasticall,as the High Priest then had.
Fiftly,the teaching that Matrimony is a Sacrament,giveth to the Clergy the Judging of the lawfulnesse of Marriages;and thereby,of what Children are Legitimate;and consequently,of the Right of Succession to h reditary Kingdomes.
Sixtly,the Deniall of Marriage to Priests,serveth to assure this Power of the Pope over Kings.For if a King be a Priest,he cannot Marry,and transmit his Kingdome to his Posterity;If he be not a Priest then the Pope pretendeth this Authority Ecclesiasticall over him,and over his people.
Seventhly,from Auricular Confession,they obtain,for the assurance of their Power,better intelligence of the designs of Princes,and great persons in the Civill State,than these can have of the designs of the State Ecclesiasticall.
Eighthly,by the Canonization of Saints,and declaring who are Martyrs,they assure their Power,in that they induce simple men into an obstinacy against the Laws and Commands of their Civill Soveraigns even to death,if by the Popes excommunication,they be declared Heretiques or Enemies to the Church;that is,(as they interpret it,) to the Pope.
Ninthly,they assure the same,by the Power they ascribe to every Priest,of making Christ;and by the Power of ordaining Pennance;and of Remitting,and Retaining of sins.
Thenthly,by the Doctrine of Purgatory,of Justification by externall works,and of Indulgences,the Clergy is enriched.
Eleventhly,by their D monology,and the use of Exorcisme,and other things appertaining thereto,they keep (or thinke they keep) the People more in awe of their Power.
Lastly,the Metaphysiques,Ethiques,and Politiques of Aristotle,the frivolous Distinctions,barbarous Terms,and obscure Language of the Schoolmen,taught in the Universities,(which have been all erected and regulated by the Popes Authority,) serve them to keep these Errors from being detected,and to make men mistake the Ignis fatuus of Vain Philosophy,for the Light of the Gospell.
To these,if they sufficed not,might be added other of their dark Doctrines,the proft whereof redoundeth manifestly,to the setting up of an unlawfull Power over the lawfull Soveraigns of Christian People;or for the sustaining of the same,when it is set up;or to the worldly Riches,Honour,and Authority of those that sustain it.And therefore by the aforesaid rule,of Cui bono ,we may justly pronounce for the Authors of all this Spirituall Darknesse,the Pope,and Roman Clergy,and all those besides that endeavour to settle in the mindes of men this erroneous Doctrine,that the Church now on Earth,is that Kingdome of God mentioned in the Old and New Testament.
But the Emperours,and other Christian Soveraigns,under whose Government these Errours,and the like encroachments of Ecclesiastiques upon their Office,at first crept in,to the disturbance of their possessions,and of the tranquillity of their Subjects,though they suffered the same for want of foresight of the Sequel,and of insight into the designs of their Teachers,may neverthelesse bee esteemed accessaries to their own,and the Publique dammage:For without their Authority there could at first no seditious Doctrine have been publiquely preached.I say they might have hindred the same in the beginning:But when the people were once possessed by those spirituall men,there was no humane remedy to be applyed,that any man could invent:And for the remedies that God should provide,who never faileth in his good time to destroy all the Machinations of men against the Truth,wee are to attend his good pleasure,that sufereth many times the prosperity of his enemies,together with their ambition,to grow to such a height,as the violence thereof openeth the eyes,which the warinesse of their predecessours had before sealed up,and makes men by too much grasping let goe all,as Peters net was broken,by the struggling of too great a multitude of Fishes;whereas the Impatience of those,that strive to resist such encroachment,before their Subjects eyes were opened,did but encrease the power they resisted.I doe not therefore blame the Emperour Frederick for holding the stirrop to our countryman Pope Adrian;for such was the disposition of his subjects then,as if hee had not done it,hee was not likely to have succeeded in the Empire:But I blame those,that in the beginning,when their power was entire,by suffering such Doctrines to be forged in the Universities of their own Dominions,have holden the Stirrop to all the succeeding Popes,whilest they mounted into the Thrones of all Christian Soveraigns,to ride,and tire,both them,and their people,at their pleasure.
But as the Inventions of men are woven,so also are they ravelled out;the way is the same,but the order is inverted:Te web begins at the first Elements of Power,which are Wisdom,Humility,Sincerity,and other vertues of the Apostles,whom the people converted,obeyed,out of Reverence,not by Obligation:Their Consciences were free,and their Words and Actions subject to none but the Civill Power.Afterwards the Presbyters (as the Flocks of Christ encreased) assembling to consider what they should teach,and thereby obliging themselves to teach nothing against the Decrees of their Assemblies,made it to be thought the people were thereby obliged to follow their Doctrine,and when they refused,refused to keep them company,(that was then called Excommunication,) not as being Infdels,but as being disobedient:And this was the first knot upon their Liberty.And the number of Presbyters encreasing,the presbyters of the chief City or Province,got themselves an authority over the Parochiall Presbyters,and appropriated to themselves the names of Bishops:And this was a second knot on Christian Liberty.Lastly,the Bishop of Rome,in regard of the Imperiall City,took upon him an Authority (partly by the wills of the Emperours themselves,and by the title of Pontifex Maximus ,and at last when the Emperours were grown weak,by the priviledges of St.Peter) over all other Bishops of the Empire:Which was the third and last knot,and the whole Synthesis and Construction of the Pontifcall Power.
And therefore the Analysis ,or Resolution is by the same way;but beginning with the knot that was last tyed;as wee may see in the dissolution of the pr terpoliticall Church Government in England.First,the Power of the Popes was dissolved totally by Queen Elizabeth;and the Bishops,who before exercised their Functions in Right of the Pope,did afterwards exercise the same in Right of the Queen and her Successours;though by retaining the phrase of Jure Divino ,they were thought to demand it by immediate Right from God:And so was untyed the first knot.After this,the Presbyterians lately in England obtained the putting down of Episcopacy:And so was the second knot dissolved:And almost at the same time,the Power was taken also from the Presbyterians:And so we are reduced to the Independency of the Primitive Christians to follow Paul,or Cephas,or Apollos,every man as he liketh best:Which,if it be without contention,and without measuring the Doctrine of Christ,by our affection to the Person of his Minister,(the fault which the Apostle reprehended in the Corinthians,) is perhaps the best:First,because there ought to be no Power over the Consciences of men,but of the Word it selfe,working Faith in every one,not alwayes according to the purpose of them that Plant and Water,but of God himself,that giveth the Increase:and secondly,because it is unreasonable in them,who teach there is such danger in every little Errour,to require of a man endued with Reason of his own,to follow the Reason of any other man,or of the most voices of many other men;Which is little better,then to venture his Salvation at crosse and pile.Nor ought those Teachers to be displeased with this losse of their antient Authority:For there is none should know better then they,that power is preserved by the same Vertues by which it is acquired;that is to say,by Wisdome,Humility,Clearnesse of Doctrine,and sincerity of Conversation;and not by suppression of the Naturall Sciences,and of the Morality of Naturall Reason;nor by obscure Language;nor by Arrogating to themselves more Knowledge than they make appear;nor by Pious Frauds;nor by such other faults,as in the Pastors of Gods Church are not only Faults,but also scandalls,apt to make men stumble one time or other upon the suppression of their Authority.
But afer this Doctrine,that the Church now Militant,is the Kingdome of God spoken of in the Old and New Testament ,was received in the World;the ambition,and canvasing for the Offices that belong thereunto,and especially for that great Office of being Christs Lieutenant,and the Pompe of them that obtained therein the principall Publique Charges,became by degrees so evident,that they lost the inward Reverence due to the Pastorall Function:in so much as the Wisest men,of them that had any power in the Civill State,needed nothing but the authority of their Princes,to deny them any further Obedience.For,from the time that the Bishop of Rome had gotten to be acknowledged for Bishop Universall,by pretence of Succession to St.Peter,their whole Hierarchy,or Kingdome of Darknesse,may be compared not unfitly to the Kingdome of Fairies ;that is,to the old wives Fables in England,concerning Ghosts and Spirits ,and the feats they play in the night.And if a man consider the originall of this great Ecclesiasticall Dominion,he will easily perceive,that the Papacy ,is no other,than the Ghost of the deceased Romane Empire ,sitting crowned upon the grave thereof:For so did the Papacy start up on a Sudden out of the Ruines of that Heathen Power.
The Language also,which they use,both in the Churches,and in their Publique Acts,being Latine ,which is not commonly used by any Nation now in the world,what is it but the Ghost of the Old Romane Language ?
Te Fairies
in what Nation soever they converse,have but one Universall King,which some Poets of ours call King Oberon
;but the Scripture calls Beelzebub
,Prince of
.The Ecclesiastiques
likewise,in whose Dominions soever they be found,acknowledge but one Universall King,the Pope
.
The Ecclesiastiques are Spirituall men,and Ghostly Fathers.Te Fairies are Spirits ,and Ghosts .Fairies and Ghosts inhabite Darknesse,Solitudes,and Graves.The Ecclesiastiques walke in Obscurity of Doctrine,in Monasteries,Churches,and Churchyards.
The Ecclesiastiques have their Cathedral Churches;which,in what Towne soever they be erected,by vertue of Holy Water,and certain Charmes called Exorcismes,have the power to make those Townes,Cities,that is to say,Seats of Empire.The Fairies also have their enchanted Castles,and certain Gigantique Ghosts,that domineer over the Regions round about them.
The Fairies are not to be seized on;and brought to answer for the hurt they do.So also the Ecclesiastiques vanish away from the Tribunals of Civill Justice.
The Ecclesiastiques take from young men,the use of Reason,by certain Charms compounded of Metaphysiques,and Miracles,and Traditions,and Abused Scripture,whereby they are good for nothing else,but to execute what they command them.The Fairies likewise are said to take young Children out of their Cradles,and to change them into Naturall Fools,which Common people do therefore call Elves ,and are apt to mischief.
In what Shop,or Operatory the Fairies make their Enchantment,the old Wives have not determined.But the Operatories of the Clergy ,are well enough known to be the Universities,that received their Discipline from Authority Pontificiall.
When the Fairies are displeased with any body,they are said to send their Elves,to pinch them.The Ecclesiastiques ,when they are displeased with any Civill State,make also their Elves,that is,Superstitious,Enchanted Subjects,to pinch their Princes,by preaching Sedition;or one Prince enchanted with promises,to pinch another.
The Fairies marry not;but there be amongst them Incubi ,that have copulation with flesh and bloud.The Priests also marry not.
The Ecclesiastiques take the Cream of the Land,by Donations of ignorant men,that stand in aw of them,and by Tythes:So also it is in the Fable of Fairies ,that they enter into the Dairies,and Feast upon the Cream,which they skim from the Milk.
What kind of Money is currant in the Kingdome of Fairies ,is not recorded in the Story.But the Ecclesiastiques in their Receipts accept of the same Money that we doe;though when they are to make any Payment,it is in Canonizations,Indulgences,and Masses.
To this,and such like resemblances between the Papacy ,and the Kingdome of Fairies ,may be added this,that as the Fairies have no existence,but in the Fancies of ignorant people,rising from the Traditions of old Wives,or old Poets:so the Spirituall Power of the Pope (without the bounds of his own Civill Dominion) consisteth onely in the Fear that Seduced people stand in,of their Excommunication;upon hearing of false Miracles,false Traditions,and false Interpretations of the Scripture.
It was not therefore a very difficult matter,for Henry 8.by his Exorcisme;nor for Qu.Elizabeth by hers,to cast them out.But who knows that this Spirit of Rome,now gone out,and walking by Missions through the dry places of China,Japan,and the Indies,that yeeld him little fruit,may not return,or rather an Assembly of Spirits worse than he,enter,and inhabite this clean swept house,and make the End thereof worse than the Beginning?For it is not the Romane Clergy onely,that pretends the Kingdome of God to be of this World,and thereby to have a Power therein,distinct from that of the Civill State.And this is all I had a designe to say,concerning the Doctrine of the POLITIQUES.Which when I have reviewed,I shall willingly expose it to the censure of my Countrey.
分册总目录
Introduction to the Chinese Editions of Great Ideas
企鹅口袋书系列·伟大的思想
伟大的思想(第四辑)慰妻书
(英汉双语)
[古希腊]普鲁塔克 著
[英]罗宾·沃特菲尔德 英译
肖艾林 文 宏 汉译
中国出版传媒股份有限公司
中国对外翻译出版有限公司
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慰妻书:英汉双语/(古希腊)普鲁塔克著;肖艾林,文宏译.—北京:中国对外翻译出版有限公司,2012. 9
(企鹅口袋书系列·伟大的思想)
ISBN 978-7-5001-3335-3
Ⅰ.①慰… Ⅱ.①普…②肖…③文… Ⅲ.①英语—汉语—对照读物②散文集—古希腊 Ⅳ.①H319.4:I
中国版本图书馆CIP数据核字(2012)第104375号
(著作权合同登记:图字01-2012-7266号)
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Essays first published in this translation in Penguin Classics 1992
This selection first published 2008
Translation copyright © Robin Waterfield, 1992
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观念
——《伟大的思想》代序
梁文道
每隔一段时间,媒体就喜欢评选一次“影响世界的X个人”或者“改变历史的X项发明”。然而,在我看来,几乎所有人类史上最重大的变革,首先都是一种观念的变革。
我们今天之所以会关注气候的暖化与生物多样性的保存,是因为我们看待地球的方式变了,我们比以前更加意识到人在自然中的位置,也更加了解自然其实是一个动态的系统。放弃了人类可以主宰地球的世界观,这就意味着我们接受了一个观念的变化。同样地,我们不再相信男人一出生就该主宰女人,甚至也不再认为男女之别是不可动摇的本质区分;这也是观念的变化。如果说环保运动和女权运动有任何影响的话,那些影响一定就是从大脑开始的。也不要只看好事,20世纪最惨绝人寰的浩劫最初也只不过是一些小小的观念,危险的观念。比如说一位德国人,他相信人类的进化必以“次等种族”的灭绝为代价……
这套丛书不叫“伟大的巨著”,是因为它们体积都不大,而且还有不少是抽取自某些名著的章节。可它们却全是伟大的观念,例如达尔文论天择,潘恩论常识,它们共同构成了人类的观念地图。从头看它们一遍,就是检视文明所走过的道路,从深处理解我们今天变成这个样子的原因。
也许你会发现其中有些陌生的名字,或者看起来没有那么“伟大”的篇章(譬如普鲁斯特追忆他的阅读时光),但你千万不要小看它们。因为真正重要、真正能够产生启蒙效果的观念往往具有跨界移动的能力,它会跨越时空,离开它原属的领域,在另一个世界产生意外的效果。就像马可·波罗在监狱里述说的异国图景,当时有谁料得到那些荒诞的故事会诱发出哥伦布的旅程呢?我也无法猜测,这套小书的读者里头会不会有下一个哥伦布,他将带着令人惊奇的观念航向自己的大海。
《伟大的思想》中文版序
企鹅《伟大的思想》丛书2004年开始出版。在英国,已付印80种,尚有20种计划出版。美国出版的丛书规模略小,德国的同类丛书规模更小一些。丛书销量已远远超过200万册,在全球很多人中间,尤其是学生当中,普及了哲学和政治学。中文版《伟大的思想》丛书的推出,迈出了新的一步,令人欢欣鼓舞。
推出这套丛书的目的是让读者再次与一些伟大的非小说类经典著作面对面地交流。太长时间以来,确定版本依据这样一个假设——读者在教室里学习这些著作,因此需要导读、详尽的注释、参考书目等。此类版本无疑非常有用,但我想,如果能够重建托马斯 ·潘恩《常识》或约翰·罗斯金《艺术与人生》初版时的环境,重新营造更具亲和力的氛围,那也是一件有意思的事。当时,读者除了原作者及其自身的理性思考外没有其他参照。
这样做有一定的缺点:每个作者的话难免有难解或不可解之处,一些重要的背景知识会缺失。例如,读者对亨利·梭罗创作时的情况毫无头绪,也不了解该书的接受情况及影响。不过,这样做的优点也很明显。最突出的优点是,作者的初衷又一次变得重要起来——托马斯·潘恩的愤怒、查尔斯·达尔文的灵光、塞内加的隐逸。这些作家在那么多国家影响了那么多人的生活,其影响不可估量,有的长达几个世纪,读他们书的乐趣罕有匹敌。没有亚当·斯密或阿图尔·叔本华,难以想象我们今天的世界。这些小书的创作年代已很久远,但其中的话已彻底改变了我们的政治学、经济学、智力生活、社会规划和宗教信仰。
《伟大的思想》丛书一直求新求变。地区不同,收录的作家也不同。在中国或美国,一些作家更受欢迎。英国《伟大的思想》收录的一些作家在其他地方则默默无闻。称其为“伟大的思想”,我们亦慎之又慎。思想之伟大,在于其影响之深远,而不意味着这些思想是“好”的,实际上一些书可列入“坏”思想之列。丛书中很多作家受到同一丛书其他作家的很大影响,例如,马塞尔·普鲁斯特承认受约翰·罗斯金影响很大,米歇尔·德·蒙田也承认深受塞内加影响,但其他作家彼此憎恨,如果发现他们被收入同一丛书,一定会气愤难平。不过,读者可自行决定这些思想是否合理。我们衷心希望,您能在阅读这些杰作中得到乐趣。
《伟大的思想》出版者
西蒙·温德尔
Introduction to the Chinese Editions of Great Ideas
Penguin’s Great Ideas series began publication in 2004. In the UK we now have 80 copies in print with plans to publish a further 20. A somewhat smaller list is published in the USA and a related, even smaller series in Germany. The books have sold now well over two million copies and have popularized philosophy and politics for many people around the world — particularly students. The launch of a Chinese Great Ideas series is an extremely exciting new development.
The intention behind the series was to allow readers to be once more face to face with some of the great nonfiction classics. For too long the editions of these books were created on the assumption that you were studying them in the classroom and that the student needed an introduction, extensive notes, a bibliography and so on. While this sort of edition is of course extremely useful, I thought it would be interesting to recreate a more intimate feeling — to recreate the atmosphere in which, for example, Thomas Paine's Common Sense or John Ruskin's On Art and Life was first published — where the reader has no other guide than the original author and his or her own common sense.
This method has its severe disadvantages — there will inevitably be statements made by each author which are either hard or impossible to understand, some important context might be missing. For example the reader has no clue as to the conditions under which Henry Thoreau was writing his book and the reader cannot be aware of the book's reception or influence. The advantages however are very clear — most importantly the original intentions of the author become once more important. T e sense of anger in Thomas Paine, of intellectual excitement in Charles Darwin, of resignation in Seneca — few things can be more thrilling than to read writers who have had such immeasurable influence on so many lives, sometimes for centuries, in many different countries. Our world would not make sense without Adam Smith or Arthur Schopenhauer — our politics, economics, intellectual lives, social planning, religious beliefs have all been fundamentally changed by the words in these little books, first written down long ago.
The Great Ideas series continues to change and evolve. In different parts of the world different writers would be included. In China or in the United States there are some writers who are liked much more than others. In the UK there are writers in the Great Ideas series who are ignored elsewhere. We have also been very careful to call the series Great Ideas — these ideas are great because they have been so enormously inf uential, but this does not mean that they are Good Ideas — indeed some of the books would probably qualify as Bad Ideas. Many of the writers in the series have been massively influenced by others in the series — for example Marcel Proust owned so much to John Ruskin, Michel de Montaigne to Seneca. But others hated each other and would be distressed to find themselves together in the same series! But readers can decide the validity of these ideas for themselves. We very much hope that you enjoy these remarkable books.
Simon Winder
Publisher
Great Ideas
目 录
译者导读
普鲁塔克(Plutarch,约46—120)是罗马帝国时代的希腊作家,出身于希腊中部波奥提亚地区喀罗尼亚城(Chaeronea)一个有文化教养的家庭,其父亚里斯托布鲁斯(Aristobulus)是一位传记作家和哲学家。普鲁塔克幼承庭训,养成了对知识的爱好。青年时期游学雅典,曾受业于名师阿谟尼乌斯(Ammonius),受过数学、哲学、修辞学、历史学以及医学等方面的训练。普鲁塔克还曾遍游希腊各地,到过爱琴海诸岛,访问过埃及、小亚细亚、意大利。所到之处,他都极为留心搜集当地的历史资料和口碑传说,从而成为一名饱学之士。后来,他来到罗马讲学,研究罗马的历史,同时结识了许多名人。普鲁塔克一生经历了罗马帝国前期的三个王朝——尤利乌斯·克劳狄王朝、弗拉维王朝和安敦尼王朝。据说,他曾经为帝国的两个皇帝——图拉真和哈德良讲过课,并博得了他们的赏识,图拉真曾授予他执政官的高位,后来哈德良又提拔他担任希腊财政督察。普鲁塔克的作品在文艺复兴时期大受欢迎,蒙田对他推崇备至,莎士比亚不少剧作都取材于他的记载。
“普鲁塔克”这个名字在西方已经远远超出学院的门墙,它几乎成为一个文化符号,一种时代精神的代表,一种政治文化的象征。《慰妻书》是普鲁塔克在四岁女儿夭折后,写给他的妻子提摩泽娜的安慰信。文如其人,这段感人的文字让我们感受到其孝涕友爱的立身之道,非常真实地展示了其温良而敦厚、和善而豁达、恬静而不慕虚荣的性格。在书中,普鲁塔克用了很多看似平常的道理安慰妻子,让我们感同身受般地体会其在悲痛中的坚守与克制,同时也为我们描述了关于道德与情感、嫉妒与憎恨、悲伤与欢乐的深意看法。他对人生、社会乃至宇宙的认知,都那么充满智慧,让人有醍醐灌顶的感觉,读时一边会意微笑,一边不禁沉思,这么朴素的道理应该是生活中最基本的东西,却被我们在不经意间遗失了。在一个物质极度膨胀的现代世界里,留给我们思考的空间太小,最本真的人性也似乎只能在物质的缝隙间苟且偷生!
书中,普鲁塔克与提摩泽娜夫妻相爱甚笃、和睦美满的家庭生活跃然纸上,我们可以读出两人携手共度难关、相互扶持、风雨同行的恩爱。文字的描述成为触碰你我灵魂的精华,在如今这个浮躁的商业社会里,读一点普鲁塔克的文章,培养一点人文精神吧!不需大段时间,抽空浅斟慢饮,细细品啜,犹如炎热夏日,饮一杯碧绿的龙井,真的让人感觉舒爽。
慰妻书
希望你收到此信时,一切安好。你派来向我通报孩子不幸夭折的人,可能在他去雅典的路上与我错过了。但我到达塔纳格拉时,从孙女那儿听闻了这一噩耗。我想,现在葬礼已经结束了吧。希望这次葬礼过后,无论是现在还是将来,你不再有任何悲伤。如果因为你想听听我的意见,还有什么事情你想做却还没做,而你认为做完这件事就不会那么难过了,那就去做吧。切记不要大张旗鼓,也不要陷入那些迷信的无稽之谈。我想你应该不会犯这样的错误吧。
亲爱的,我唯一的要求就是,在悲伤的同时,我们两个人,我,还有你,都要懂得节哀。我的意思是,不幸已然发生,我们要悲伤有度。但是如果我发觉你过度悲伤,那将比失去女儿更令我不安。你知道,我并非铁石心肠。我们一起养育了这么多孩子,他们都是在自己家里长大的,没有要任何人帮忙。我了解,继四个儿子之后,你诞下渴望已久的女儿是多么地欣喜。因为她,我才有机会以你的名字给孩子命名。而且,父母对这个年纪的孩子尤其疼爱有加。因为这种爱带来的快乐很单纯,没有一丝一毫的愤怒和苛求。而且,女儿生性温顺而随和,懂得感情回报,她是那么地惹人喜爱,不仅带给我们快乐,也让我们看到了她的善良和无私。她总是让乳母把乳汁喂给其他的孩子,甚至是那些她最喜爱的玩具,她无私地要把她拥有的美好事物以及她最喜爱的东西与她最喜爱的人分享,待他们犹如上宾。
然而,亲爱的,她有生之年带给我们这些快乐的点点滴滴,如今回忆起来,我找不出任何理由为之难过和悲伤。反之,我担心的是,我们可能因为要躲避悲伤而遗忘对她的记忆。如此,便会变得像克里谟奈一样。她曾说:“我讨厌山茱萸木制的弯弓!我宁愿世上没有体育馆!”她总是害怕忆起儿子,并且避免这样做。 因为与回忆相伴的是痛楚, 人会本能地逃避。不,我们的女儿是这世上最可爱,最令人想拥抱、注视和聆听的孩子。正因为如此,我们一定要让她长驻心间,她带给我们的快乐,将远远超过悲伤。我们通常劝慰别人的那些话,在我们困难之际也能适时地帮助我们自己。我们不能沮丧消沉,自我封闭,用数倍的忧伤来抵消那些欢乐。
那些参加葬礼的人有些吃惊,他们说你连丧服都没有穿,你和侍女们并没有遵从陈规陋习。你衣着得体,葬礼也没有奢华的排场,一切从简,静默肃穆。对此我并不以为奇。你去看戏或参加公众游行时也从不打扮,你认为奢侈无益,铺张亦无乐趣可言。因此,你在伤痛之时坚持自然和简朴。
关键在于,体面的妇女不仅应该在酒神节的狂欢中保持纯洁不堕落,而且应该在悲痛中认识到,需要克制悲痛带来的情绪不稳和困扰。这种自我克制不是常人所想的那样对情和爱的压抑,而是对心的宽容。思念、崇敬和怀念已故之人是人之常情,但是无尽的悲痛让我们恸哭、哀号,这就和放纵的享乐主义一样可鄙,尽管情有可原:虽然可鄙,但随之而来的并非快乐,而是更多的悲伤和痛苦。摒弃过度的纵情欢笑,却允许源自同一理由的痛哭流涕,或者像某些丈夫们一样,因为妻子抹着奢侈的头发香水、穿着俗丽的衣服而与她们争吵,却在她们在哀悼时剪去头发、染黑衣服、坐姿难看或以不舒服的姿势斜靠在桌旁时表示服从,还有什么比这更荒谬的呢?最恼人的是,他们抗拒和阻止妻子过分而不公平地惩罚仆人,却忽视了当她们受到情感和不幸的影响时所遭受的恶毒、严厉的惩罚,实际上此时更需要的是轻松和宽容的心态。
亲爱的,我们之间已非常默契,从来没有为一点小事而争吵,而且我想我们永远也不会为此而争吵。一方面,与我们相处过、了解我们的每位哲学家无不对你朴素的穿着打扮和谦逊的生活方式印象深刻,我们每一个同胞都见证了你在宗教仪式、祭祀典礼和剧场观演时的自然淳朴。另一方面,之前在你失去长子、我们可爱的卡龙又过早地离开我们时,你的表现足以证明,你可以在这种情况下保持镇定。我记得,当孩子夭折的噩耗传来时,我带着来访者从海上回来,他们还有其他人聚集在我们家。他们后来告诉别人,看到我们家如此平静安宁,还以为并没有什么可怕的事情发生,不过是传出了毫无根据的谣言罢了。因为通常在这样的时刻,一片混乱也是情有可原的,而你仍然负责任地把家里安排得井然有序。你亲自给孩子哺乳,乳头发炎后还做了手术。这都是出于母爱的高尚之举。
值得注意的是,大多数母亲是等别人把孩子清洗干净、打扮漂亮之后再把他们抱在怀里。她们把孩子当做是玩物。如果孩子夭折,这些母亲们就会沉湎于空洞、虚伪的悲痛之中。这种悲痛并非出自合理而可敬的热烈情感:她们对肤浅的信仰有着强烈的倾向,再加上一点儿本能的情绪,于是乎悲痛猛然爆发,不但激烈、狂躁而且难以自抑。伊索显然意识到了这一点:他说,当宙斯在众神之间分配赞誉时,“悲伤之神”也请求得到一份;于是宙斯应允了他——但这份赞誉只能来自那些有心想要给予悲伤之神以荣誉的人。
起初,确实如此:悲伤入侵的只是一个个体;然而一段时间之后,它便成为了一个永久的姊妹,一种习惯性的存在,无论如何也挥之不去。这就是为何我们在一开始就要将它拒之门外的原因,不要为之挑选特别的着装、打理特别的发型或是做其他诸如此类的事情,以免它在我们心中驻扎生根,日复一日地折磨、贬低、束缚和封闭我们的心灵,使我们变得无动于衷或忧心忡忡,就好像为了表现悲痛而挑选的服装和做出的事情将我们与欢笑、光明以及聚餐等社交行为隔绝开来。这种痛苦的状态让人忽视身体,厌恶给身体涂油、洗澡和其他日常养生。情况本该相反,应保持健康的身体,这样才有助于缓解纯粹的精神痛苦。身体安定,心灵悲痛便会大大减轻、平息和消散,犹如天气晴朗时,波浪会平息。但是,如果生活规则紊乱,导致身体变得肮脏污秽,对心灵没有任何良性的影响或是益处,带来的只有切肤而难忍的悲伤和痛苦,即使渴望恢复的人也会发现难以达成。心灵受到如此虐待,便会深陷于种种障碍和不适之中。
不过,我没有理由担心会出现最严重的、最令人担忧的失常情形——“恶女入侵”,她们悲痛的哀号和表现使悲痛更加深刻和厚重,从而无法随着外部因素影响而减退或自然消散。我能体会你最近的痛苦挣扎,你去帮助席恩的姐妹,抵抗妇女们的恸哭哀号——这一行为无异于以火攻火。我的意思是,当人们看到朋友的房子着火时,他们会努力尽快扑灭火焰;但是当看到这个朋友的心灵燃起火焰时,人们却会火上加油!有人眼部受到感染时,不会同意任何人去触碰它,也不去治疗炎症,但伤心人却会坐下来,让每个过路人刺探自己的伤痛(可以这么说),从而使情况变得更糟。这就好比一个本来微不足道的发痒的痛处,爆发成为真正难耐的痛苦折磨。无论如何,我相信,你对此会有所防范的。
但是,你一定要时常试着把自己的思绪带回到女儿出生以前,那时的我们没有理由抱怨命运,然后将此时与彼时联系起来,想象我们现在的境况与原先没有不同。你瞧,亲爱的,如果我们发现和女儿出生前相比,现在要抱怨的事情更多,说不定会后悔生了女儿。我们不应将这两年的记忆抹去,因为它带给了我们幸福和快乐,我们应该把它视为快乐的缘由。美好的事物总是短暂的,但不应因而把它看作是长期的不良影响:我们不应该因为命运不再施与我们更多的希望,就对我们曾经拥有的毫不领情。
关键在于,对诸神要态度虔诚,对他人要宽厚仁慈,对命运要心平气和,只有这样才能始终收获美好而愉悦的报偿。任何人如果处于我们这种境地,都会特别注意突出对美好事物的记忆,不去思忖生活的黑暗面和尘世纷扰,而是多想想光明的未来和璀璨的生活,他们要么完全摒弃任何带来痛苦的事物,要么将悲痛与欢乐融为一体,这样至少可以减轻和掩饰痛苦。正如香水,闻起来清香怡人,但也可以用来消除难闻的气味;同样,将美好的事物铭记在心能使我们在苦难的时候得到必要的支持,对于那些不惧怕回忆美好时光、不怨天尤人的人,这就好比一剂良方。我们应当尽量避免这样一种情况——抱怨综合症,生活就像一本书,尽管其他页面干干净净,但有一个污迹,有人仍会对此百般挑剔。我想说的是,你常常听人说,幸福是为了达到一种稳定状态而正确使用理性思维的结果,偶然的变故可能使人偏离方向,但并不构成人生大逆转,也并不意味着人生大厦的坍塌和毁灭。
假如我们也要遵从惯例,被外在环境所左右,对命运的安排耿耿于怀,在意他人评判我们是否幸福:即便如此,你也不应该老想着当前那些吊唁者的哭泣和哀悼,这不过是毫无意义的社会风俗促使他们每每在这种情况下如此表现而已。最好是牢牢记住,你的孩子、家庭和生活方式在别人眼里依然是令人羡慕的。只要有人乐于选择你这样的命运,甚至包括我们目前的悲伤,你就不该因为遭受这样的命运而抱怨连连,反而应该从痛苦的根源出发,认识到我们应该为仍然拥有的一切而心怀感激。若非如此,你就会像那些从荷马的作品中摘取无头无尾的句子,却忽视许多精彩绝伦的篇章的人那样:对生活中的缺点吹毛求疵、抱怨不止,对优点却含糊其辞、一掠而过,这样一来,你的表现与那些贪婪吝啬的人并无二致,囤积了大量财富却不充分利用,一旦失去却又唉声叹气、抱怨连天。
如果你为女儿未曾结婚生子就已离开人世而感到惋惜,那么你还是可以找到其他的理由振作起来,因为你已然了解和经历过这两件事:我的意思是,对于未经历过结婚生子的人来说,结婚生子也就那么回事,而对已经历过结婚生子的人来说,那可是人生中意义重大的事情,所以幸福与否并不取决于是否经历过这些事。事实上,女儿已经步入一个没有痛苦的世界,我们不必为之悲伤。既然已经没有什么能够令她痛苦了,我们又为何要因她的离世而伤心呢?如果到了无人需要的地步,那么再大的损失也不会引起痛苦了;更何况你的提谟克塞娜承受的损失甚少,因为她所熟知和觉得有趣的东西并不是什么重要的事物,至于她所不知道的、从未进入她脑海或吸引她的东西——又怎能说她已经失去它们了呢?
再者,你还听到一种人们普遍接受的说法,即那些已经消散的东西,不可能会遭受灾难或承受痛苦。我知道,我们祖先的教导,以及我们所参加的酒神节仪式的神秘规则(我们大家都了解的东西)让你不敢相信这种说法。那么,既然灵魂是不朽的,你可以将它所发生的一切与笼中鸟的行为做个比较:灵魂长期居于肉体之中,由于诸多的重大事件和长期的熟悉,已经习惯了这样一种生活方式,于是每次重生后依然栖息在肉体里,一而再地经历人间的悲喜祸福。不要认为晚年是因为满脸皱纹、白发苍苍和体力不支而遭人责骂:不,它最残酷的特征是,人到晚年,灵魂不再能鲜明地记忆另一个世界,却又让它和这个世界保持联系,被这个世界包围和束缚,它保持着身体给予它的形状,同时受到它的约束。另一方面,那些在被捕获后只在肉体中停留片刻便被神释放的灵魂,好像又弹回其自然状态,虽然它已经被弯曲,但它依然保持其柔韧性和延展性。就像火一样,如果在熄灭之后立即点燃,它很快就重新燃起;但是熄灭的时间越长,被点燃的难度越大。因此,用诗人的话说,那些最幸运的灵魂,能够在产生对这个世界许多事物强烈的喜爱和受到如同化学品作用一般地软化、溶解并与身体合而为一之前,“轻快地通过阴间的大门”。
我们可以从远古祖先的风俗与规则中更好地看到这些事物的真相。人们不为夭折的婴儿举行祭酒仪式,也不为死者举行其他的仪式,因为这些婴儿尚未经历尘世和世俗之事。再者,人们不在他们的葬礼上或墓穴边流连,也不为修筑死者的安身之所而拖延时间,因为法律规定禁止对在那个年龄死亡的人这样做。为即将进入一个更加美好世界的人哀悼,会被认为是亵渎神灵。既然怀疑这一点比相信这一点更加困难,那就让我们的外在行为遵守禁令,并保持内心世界不被玷污,比外在行为更纯洁、更自制。
认识德行的进步
苏希乌斯·塞涅乔,如果一个人感到他的德行在不断进步,但事实上并未消除愚昧,因为不道德的行为限制了每个阶段的进步,并恰好抵消了这些进步,好比“铅锤使渔网下坠”一样,他的道德水平不断下降,那么,有没有一种说理方式能够让人意识到自己的德行在进步呢?就拿音乐或文化素养来说,一个人如果在学习过程中没有减少对这些领域的无知,就可能无法认识到自己在这方面的进步,他的无知水平将永远保持不变。如果医疗手段未能减轻一个患者的不适或在某种程度上缓解病情,使病情得到控制和减轻,直到身体完全复原,并且通过治疗使疾病的踪影完全消失不见,患者就无法感知到病情好转。
事实上,如果人们感知不到这些领域的变化,就不会取得进步,因为进步的工具是消除抵抗人们进步的阻力(好比站在一架天平上,被一股向上的力量提起,与之前下落的运动相抗衡)。同样,在哲学上,如果一个人不能从思想上免于犯错并得到净化,反而在获得绝对至善的时刻仍然陷入与绝对至恶的混沌,就不能假设取得了进步和意识到进步。当然,智者只需片刻,一瞬间,就能从极度罪恶达到尽善尽美的境界。尽管长期来看他的罪恶没有丝毫消除,但在这一瞬间他却完全脱离了恶习。
不过,我敢肯定你已经知晓,持这种观点的人会为自己的断言陷入极其尴尬的境地,也会给“浑然不觉的智者”带来许多麻烦。一个人实际上已经变得聪明了,但是,他自己却并不知道,在一个渐进而漫长的过程中,他丧失了某些品质,也获得了某些品质,在不知不觉中他不断进步,就像一条铺就的道路,平稳地把他引向具有美德的境地。但是变化的速度和规模非常之大,一个在早晨还一无是处的人到了晚上就能成为一个完美的圣徒;也可能发生这样的巨变,入睡前还是一个没用的傻瓜,醒来时却是一个圣明的智者,他的心灵中所有的谬误和缺点都被涤荡干净,他不禁惊呼:“再见吧,荒谬的梦境,你其实什么也不是!”如果这一切真是如此,谁又能意识不到这种巨大的变化,感觉不到智慧的光芒突然照耀着他呢?我宁愿相信像凯纽斯那样的人祈祷自己从女人变为男人,却未能注意到自己的转变,也不相信一个胆怯、愚蠢、懦弱的人变得坚强、睿智、勇敢,或者一种野蛮的生活变得神圣之后,他自己对这些顷刻间的变化却毫无认识。
有种正确的说法是:人应该“修整石头对齐直线,而不是修改直线去对齐石头。”但是,有些人不愿意根据事实去修正观点,而是强迫事实去符合自己的臆测,这是不符合自然规律的,因而产生了大量的哲学难题,其中最大的难题是:除了完美无缺的人以外,所有人都被划入不道德这一鱼龙混杂的类别。这个难题使得人们对“进步”一词讳莫如深:所谓的“进步”与极度愚蠢只差一步之遥,这种进步使得尚未摆脱各种情感和缺陷的人依然与尚未摆脱最大恶性的人一样可悲。总之,这些思想家是在自我否定。他们在演讲中将阿里斯泰德斯与法拉里斯的伤风败俗相提并论,把布拉西达斯与多伦的怯懦视同一致,甚至认为柏拉图与梅利多斯的愚昧无知也如出一辙;但他们在生活实践中,却禁戒这几组人中后者的行为,认为他们冷酷无情,追随并信任这几组人中的前者,认为他们对最重要事物方面的论述具有重要意义。
但是,我们要注意到每一种罪恶都在程度上有多少之别,尤其是那些不确定、不可估量的心灵上的罪恶。同样,消除罪恶也有不同程度的进步,当理性逐渐启迪、净化灵魂时,人的不足就会像黑暗被光明击退一样向后退却。因此,对那些正在被推出深渊的人而言,我们并不认为他们认识到这些变化的看法是不合逻辑的,相反,我们认为这种认识具有明确的、可以描述的道德概念观念。
在此,无需多费周折,请首先考虑第一个道德观念。正如那些扬帆远航的人通过流逝的时间和风力的强度来计算他们航行了多远,他们根据一定风力驱使下花费的一定时间来估量他们可能完成的行程。在哲学中亦如此。一个人能够通过推理过程中取得进步的连续性和延续性,加之新的努力和动力使停顿与波折很少出现,以便能够持久地顺利、匀速向前,并利用理性确保这个过程没有障碍,从而彻底弄清楚自己的进步。“一点一点地积累并持之以恒”这个忠告不仅对于财富的积累有效,而且对一切事物都具有普世价值,特别是对于德行的进步意义重大,因为理性会因此获得许多良好习性的帮助,带来收获。
然而,哲学研究者良莠不齐,有一些生性愚钝,他们在取得进步的道路上延误徘徊,甚至倒退,因为人一旦放弃追求、虚度光阴,恶习就会抓紧时机对他们进行伏击,进而把他们拽回并推向相反的方向。数学家告诉我们,行星若停止向前运动,就会静止,但在哲学研究中,即便进步停止,也不会出现间断、静止的情形,因为人性总是在不断变化中,好像天平上不断变化倾斜的两端,或是受好的影响向更好的方向发展,或是受坏的影响向更坏的方向发展。所以如果你遵守神谕“日夜与克亥人战斗”,而且你清楚要抵抗恶习,日复一日永不停休,或者至少你几乎没有放松警惕,也没有经常耽于享受、欢娱,因为它们就好像是恶习派来进行妥协谈判的特使,那么你就可以勇敢无畏、激情饱满地向未来前进。
然而,即便一个人的哲学研究会被打断,但如果以后的研究比以前更稳定、更持久,那么这就是一个好的迹象,表明勤奋工作和不断努力能够逐渐消除懈怠。然而,过了一段时间之后,挫折持续不断地出现,饱满的热情逐渐退却,就会出现不良现象。打个比方,一根芦苇开始生长,没有阻力,其成长也不被干扰,就会保持旺盛的长势,长出长而光滑的芦苇杆子;但后来,似乎由于呼吸困难,它的长势变弱,甚至不再长高,因为高度被苇杆中的许多带有空心的结节给限制了,它的生命力受到了冲击。这只是一个形容哲学研究的比喻:有的人刚开始时精力充沛,兴致勃勃,随后不断遭遇大量障碍与干扰,同时看不见任何进步,最后忍受不了而无奈放弃。但是,另一方面,有的人为哲学惠益所激发,如虎添翼,加上因取得成就而产生了动力和热情,便把种种拦路虎一样的借口横扫一边。
当你与喜欢的人在一起时,并不是幸福感使你意识到你已坠入爱河(因为并非只有爱情才会让你感到幸福),而当你和对方分开时会感到痛苦和伤心,这才是恋爱的标志。 同样,许多人被哲学所吸引,兴致勃勃地开始学习,但如果由于别的因素使他们放弃学习,他们的热情就会消退,不再关心哲学了。“一个人若是被心爱的人所伤”,他在进行哲学讨论时会表现得平静和温顺,但当他远离哲学讨论时,他会焦躁不安,对一切心怀不满;他对哲学的向往会使他变得好像失去理智,忘记了身边的朋友。关键问题是,我们对待讨论不应该像喜欢香水那样,没有香水的时候,不会到处寻找香水,不会浑身难受,而应该是当脱离哲学讨论时(不论是结婚、航海、交友还是兵役导致这种隔离),我们能体验到一种类似于饥渴的感受,这种感受能使我们保持真正的事业进步。一个人从哲学中获益越多,离开哲学时,他的不快也会越多。
我们所说的进步与古代赫西奥德对“进步”的阐述基本相同,或者非常相似——道路不再陡峭,不再是上坡路而变为平坦大道,仿佛是不断付出的努力造就了坦途,仿佛这段旅程为哲学带来了希望和光明。在哲学中,学生在学习之初困惑迷茫,游移不定,好比水手离开他们熟知的陆地,却看不到作为目的地的陆地。因为他们放弃了正常的、熟悉的事物,却又没有获取新的知识,拥有更美好的事物,于是他们就在这一过程中原地打转,甚至经常返回原点。
罗马人沙斯提乌斯就是一个例子:为了哲学,他放弃了政治舞台上的显要位置。但是,他在哲学学习中缺乏耐心,发现学习哲学异常困难,差点想跳楼。还有一个类似的故事,讲的是西诺普的第欧根尼最初投身哲学研究的事:在雅典的一个假日,人们举行盛大宴会,在剧院上演节目,派对接二连三,狂欢通宵达旦,而此时第欧根尼蜷缩在广场的角落里试图入睡。他心烦意乱,脑子里满是自我毁灭的想法,他一直想弄清楚,在没有外力强迫的情况下,他曾经如何按照自己的自由意愿,采用了一种劳其筋骨、异于常人的生活方式,并摒弃了所有那些美好的事物。然而,就在那时(据传),一只老鼠爬了上来,不管不顾地咀嚼他掉下的面包屑。第欧根尼开动脑筋,反思自己,仿佛自我批评、自我蔑视地说:“第欧根尼,你在想什么?你吃剩的东西竟成了一只小老鼠的美食?然而你,一个堂堂的男子汉——就因为你不能躺在华丽的软椅上醉酒狂欢,就这么怨声连连、唉声叹气吗?”当那种坏心情偶有发生时,理性会很快介入,好像战败后重整旗鼓一样,帮助我们摒弃和消除坏心情,轻而易举地驱散我们心头的焦虑与不安,于是我们便可坚信我们的进步有了坚实的基础。
然而,哲学研习者自身的弱点不是导致他们踟蹰和倒退的唯一因素,朋友们热心的忠告和批评者的冷嘲热讽也会歪曲、削弱他们的决心,甚至使一些人完全放弃哲学。因此,如果一个人能心绪平静地面对这些不利因素,听到人们提及自己的同行如何在皇宫里飞黄腾达,或是如何通过婚姻得到一大笔钱,或是如何经过民众选举进入元老院担任政法要职,而不会意志消沉或心烦意乱,这就说明他已经取得了良好的进步。对一个人来说,在此类情形下不惊慌失措或摇摆不定,这就清楚地表明他学习得法,牢牢掌握了哲学的精髓。因为绝大多数人赞赏的行为唯独他不去效仿是不可能的,除非这个人已经习惯于赞赏美德;即使在愤怒和疯狂的时候,人也有能力立足于人前,但是藐视被普世赞赏的行为,如果没有真正崇高的、坚定的意志,这是不可能的。
这也是人们与他人的心态相比而引以为豪的原因,如梭伦所说:“我们决不会拿我们的美德去与他们的财富做交易,因为拥有美德是恒久稳固的,而钱财却是暂时拥有的。”第欧根尼曾反复移居于科林斯与雅典,并因此以波斯王自比,波斯王春天居于苏萨,冬天居于巴比伦,夏天居于米堤亚。阿格西劳斯也曾这样评价波斯王:“他比我更伟大只是因为比我更有德。”亚里士多德在写信给安提帕特时提到亚历山大,他指出不能因为亚历山大统治着许多人,他就是唯一有权感到骄傲的人:任何人只要真正地信奉诸神,就能拥有同样的权利。当芝诺看到色奥弗拉斯托斯受到为数众多的学生景仰时,他说:“虽然他的合唱队人数更多,但我的合唱队唱得更悦耳动听。”不管怎样,将美德与外在形式对立起来,能够消除你对他人的嫉妒和猜忌,所有让哲学初学者困惑沮丧的事物也将烟消云散,这时你则可以认为这是你取得进步的明显表现。
一个人言谈中发生的变化也是一个很重要的迹象。哲学初学者几乎无一例外地倾向于能提高自己声誉的言谈方式。一些人就像飞鸟一样浅薄自大,想要一蹴而就,达到科学辉煌的顶峰;另一些人则像柏拉图所说,“如小狗一样,喜欢拖拉撕咬”,他们喜欢找人理论、诡辩以解决难题。许多初学者沉迷于哲学争论之中,并以此作为诡辩的武器。还有的人到处搜集格言和语录,就如阿拉卡雪斯曾经说道,在他看来,希腊人拥有钱财只是为了计算数额,他们会数钱却不会用钱,同样这些希腊人也只会清算他们所拥有东西的数量,而不去积累对他们有益的其他东西。
所有这一切的结果都有安提法奈斯的言论为证,并被应用到柏拉图的回环法中。安提法奈斯曾经讲过一个有趣的故事,在某个城市,只要开口说话,话一出口就被冻成了冰。等到了夏天解冻之后,人们才听到在冬天里说的话。他指出,柏拉图对人们年轻时候所说的话,其实也是同样的道理。直到很久以后,人们都已经老态龙钟,此时大部分人才意识到其中的深意。人们学习任何形式的哲学也是这样的经历,只有当人的判断合理、可靠,才开始形成能渗透到道德品质和道德范畴的原则,并开始寻找一种话语,这种话语的踪迹,借用伊索的比喻,深入人心,而不流于表面。索福克勒斯曾说,他首先减轻了埃斯库罗斯语言的厚重,接着处理他自己夸张和造作的风格,之后才开始第三步,改变语言的特点,因为语言对道德和德行最具影响力。以此类推,只有当哲学研究者停止利用争论进行卖弄和造作,转而寻找一种能表达他们的个性和内心感受的话语,他们才会开始获得真正的、谦逊的进步。
因此,首先,你要确定自己在阅读哲学著作、聆听哲学演说时是否过于重视语言而忽略了主题,是否更在意晦涩难懂的只言片语而不是有用的、充实的、有益的文章。其次,你研究诗歌和历史的时候要多加小心,不要忽略了那些表达恰当、能促进品性、缓和情感的东西。就像西蒙尼德斯在谈到花丛中的蜜蜂时说:“(蜜蜂)专注的是琥珀色的蜂蜜”,然而别的人关注的却只是花的颜色和香气。因此,当人们为了开心娱乐而研读诗歌时,若有人靠自己的努力寻找并搜集了一些有价值的东西,那么就可以认为他的习惯以及对美好和谐事物的喜爱已经使他能够欣赏诗歌中美好和谐的东西了。
例如,有些人喜欢柏拉图和色诺芬的语言,但是只专注于他们朴实的阿提卡语言风格(就好比它是鲜花雨露一般)。对这些人的唯一评价就是:他们喜欢药物的适口和芳香,却不关心甚至无法辨识药物的镇痛和通便的效用。相比之下,那些不断取得进步的人能够从所见的、所处的环境中而不是从所说所写的字词中受益,并能获得合适的、有用的东西。
在埃斯居罗斯和其他类似的典故中可以证明这一点。例如,埃斯居罗斯在科林斯地峡运动会上观看一场拳击比赛,只要一名拳击手被击中,观众就会爆发雷鸣般的喊声,埃斯居罗斯用肘轻轻碰了下基沃斯的伊翁,对他说:“看见这训练的结果了吧?被击倒的人一声不吭,而看客却高声大叫。”布拉西达斯捡到一些干的无花果却被这些无花果里的一只老鼠咬了一口,他赶紧把它扔掉,“多么不可思议啊!”他说道,“不管多么弱小的生命,只要有勇气自卫,就能活下去!”第欧根尼看见有人用手喝水,就立刻从包裹里掏出自己的杯子扔掉。
这些故事都说明,只要专心致志并持续努力,就一定能从任何事物中看到并汲取其中隐含的美德。如果用理论对实践加以补充,这个结果就更易出现。不仅仅是像修昔底德说的“在险境中坚持研习,而且要在开心愉快或争论不休的时候,在参与决策的时候,在法庭诉讼答辩和处理政务的时候,切实展示自己的信念,或是通过实践树立自己的信念。但是对于那些仍在学习的人来说,通过思考自己能从哲学中获得什么来充实自己,使自己能够在政治论坛上、年轻人的聚会上或是王宫的宴会上信手拈来,这些人并不能被称为哲学家,而是像被称为医生的江湖郎中罢了,或许更确切一点地描述这种诡辩家,就如荷马所描述的鸟一样,因为他只是反刍给自己的学生,仿佛他们是他羽翼未丰的幼鸟,如果他不对自己有利的东西进行思考或是对学到的东西进行消化吸收,那么任何他接受的东西都只是囫囵吞枣罢了。
因此,对我们来说弄明白以下方面至关重要:首先,我们利用语言优化自我,其次,相对其他人而言,我们这样做不是为了得到虚幻的荣耀或公众的认可,而是我们想要学习和传授一些东西。但是我们首先得确保研究问题时,不再有竞争和争论,不再用争论武装自己,就像在拳击赛中用手套和指节套去攻击他人,为把对方打倒在地而欣喜,而是把重点放在学习和传授上。在讨论中彬彬有礼,不争先恐后,也不怒气冲冲地结束,在赢得辩论后不自鸣得意,在输掉辩论后也不怨天尤人,这些都是一个人在德行上有进步的标志。亚里斯提卜给我们做了榜样:他在一次辩论中败北,赢得了辩论的信心满满,但是却愚蠢、浅薄,亚里斯提卜看到那人胜出后兴高采烈、被胜利冲昏头脑的样子,说:“我要回家了:尽管我输了,但我今晚将美美地睡上一觉,虽然你赢了,但我会睡得比你香。”
我们公开说话时,也可以估量自己的德行:出乎意料地看到有一大群人来听演讲,我们不怯场;听众寥寥无几,我们也不沮丧气馁;要求面向公众或官员讲话时,我们能够把握机会,尽管没有充分准备,也能应对自如。德摩斯提尼和亚西比德就能这样做。亚西比德善于把握演说的主题,但却对演说的表达技巧缺乏自信,结果有时把自己给绕进去,甚至是经常说到一半的时候,总是停下来搜肠刮肚地去想用一些难懂的词或短语,导致听众嘘声四起。相比之下,荷马并不发愁开始几行没有韵律,他的才能使得自己对剩下的诗歌内容信心十足。因此,我们大可以想象,那些努力为美德和优点奋斗的人会很好地利用机遇和主题,而不在意他们演讲的语言是否引起听众激昂的欢呼。
这对言谈举止同样适用,每个人应该确保自己关注的是有用的东西,而不是为了炫耀,追求的是真理,而不是为了显摆。如果对一个年轻人或女子的真爱不需要别人的见证,就算是秘密满足自己的追求也能收获快乐的果实,那么,那些爱好美德和智慧、通过自己的举止体现美德的人,更有可能对自己内在的魅力保持沉默,而不需要有人欣赏。曾经有人在家命令自己的女佣,对她大声叫道:“看着我,迪奥尼西娅,我不再自以为是了”。与此类似,做了一些善事之后便到处对人说,很明显,他依然关注的是外界对自己的赞赏和公众对自己的认可,这也表明他并没有见识过真正的美德,他在虚幻的梦想阴影里任意表演,从未真正醒悟,还要把自己的行为示人,就像展示一幅画一样。
由此可见,在帮助朋友或熟人之后,却不到处宣扬,这就是德行进步的标志。当周围的人都堕落腐化时仍坚守诚实,拒绝向富人或权贵可耻地折腰,唾弃贿赂,在夜晚渴望喝酒时能克制不饮,像阿格西劳斯那样克制自己不与漂亮的姑娘亲吻——一个人能默默坚守这些也是德行进步的标志。像这样的人能够获得自我认可,不会被人轻视,亲眼见证了自己行善时会感到快乐满足,这表明理性已经在他内心得到滋养并在他身上扎根,如德谟克里特所说,他“正习惯于成为自己快乐的源泉”。
农民喜欢看到饱满的稻穗弯腰垂向大地,他们认为那些空瘪的昂首挺立的稻穗是些没有分量的冒牌货。立志成为哲学家的年轻人也是如此:那些没有内涵、毫无分量的人喜欢出风头,行为举止矫揉造作、趾高气昂,脸上满是鄙夷的神情,蔑视一切事物。 但是当他们从学习中有了收获变得充实时,他们就会抛弃浅薄自大。正如空容器中加入液体时,里面的空气受到挤压会排出去一样,当人被真正好的东西充实时,他们的自负造作就会土崩瓦解,不再因为蓄着胡子穿着破旧的礼服而自得,而是将努力学到的东西铭记于心。他们严于律己,宽以待人。他们改变了以前的陋习:不再以哲学的名义、以学习哲学获得好名声。相反,如果一个内心善良的年轻人被别人称为“哲学家”,他会变得惊慌不安,尴尬地笑着说:“瞧你,我不是神,为什么将我视为神呢?”正如埃斯居罗斯所说:“年轻姑娘经历了爱情,她的眼睛闪耀的光芒就会出卖她。”年轻人获得了真正哲学上的收获时,萨福的话就非常贴切,“我张口结舌,浑身激情燃烧。”尽管他的双眸无忧无虑、平静镇定,但你却渴望听他说话。
当入会仪式开始时,参加者聚集在一起,声音嘈杂,互相推搡,可当仪式开始举行时,他们立刻安静下来,全神贯注,充满敬畏。这就像是学习哲学之初,许多人站在哲学的门槛外,充斥着无序、嘈杂和自信,粗鲁地推搡着,努力获得哲学带来的名声;但是当人发现自己入门之后,沐浴着耀眼的哲学之光,仿佛神殿开启,他就会惊讶得呆住,变得安静,“用谦逊和克制去遵从”理性,就像遵循神明一样。对于这些人,墨涅德摩斯的戏言似乎形容得更加绝妙。他说,大量远渡重洋来雅典学习的人都会经过以下历程:他们一开始充满智慧,后来变成了爱智者,再后来成为了哲学家,随着时间的推移,他们又成了普通人。他们获得理性越多,就越会逐渐抛弃自负和虚荣做作。
当人们牙疼或手指受伤需要治疗时,他们会直接去看医生;发烧时,会请医生上门,请求医生为自己看病;但如果病患到了极限——得了忧郁症或是脑膜炎或是精神错乱,他们有时会忍受不了医生上门看病,要么将医生赶走,要么逃避看病,因为他们的病已严重到意识不到自己疾病缠身了。犯错的人也是如此:对责备、训斥自己的人恼怒生气,举止蛮横挑衅,这样的人是无可救药的,然而对那些能忍受责备,不对抗的人来说,情况要缓和得多。有些人犯了错误,但是愿意接受别人的批评,指出自己的错误,不隐藏自己的错误,不为做了错事未受惩罚而窃喜,也不为别人未辨认出自己是一个怎样的人而窃喜,而是承认错误,请求别人训诫自己,这绝对表明他在进步。这也是第欧根尼之所以认为为了寻求安全,人应该注意寻找一位挚友或一个劲敌,这样才能通过两种方式之一——受到责难或是受到照顾——摆脱恶习。
试想一个人的衣服上有明显的污迹或印渍,或是鞋子上有裂口,在外面却把这些当做妄自菲薄的借口,或是以自己身材矮小或驼背自嘲来展示自己的嬉皮精神:这样做无非是在掩盖自己丑陋的灵魂,隐藏他生命的缺陷、他的卑鄙猥琐、享乐主义、怨天尤人、心怀不满,就仿佛这些是脓肿,不让任何人碰触或看见它们,因为害怕受到责备,那么这样的人的进步就微乎其微了,甚至是没有进步。但是,与这些缺点战斗的人,尤其是他能够也愿意向自己展示这些缺点,并为此痛心,接着他能够也愿意接受别人的苛责,他的灵魂必将在这些磨难中得到净化,恰恰是这样的人真正地憎恶卑贱,确确实实地愿意消除卑贱。
当然,避免受辱难堪甚至是坏名声对每个人都很重要;但是,有的人厌恶现实的罪恶更甚于卑劣的坏名声,如果目的是促进德行进步的话,那么他既不回避别人对自己的责难,也不苛责别人。例如,在一家客栈里,第欧根尼看见一个逃跑出来的年轻人,跑进这家客栈,他巧妙地说了一句:“你越往里跑,你就越会在这客栈里。”一个人对缺陷否认得越多,他就越沉沦、越被禁锢在这些缺陷里。 本是穷人却要假装富有,他的虚伪只会使得他更加贫乏。希波克拉底记录下自己无法理解头骨的缝合,并公布了这一事实,为正在努力进步的年轻人树立了榜样,因此希波克拉底通过宣示自己的弱点去帮助别人避免重蹈覆辙;而一个致力于绝对正确的人往往不敢接受别人的谴责,或承认自己的荒谬无知。
事实上,彼翁和皮罗的主张不仅表明德行进步,而且指的是一种更美好、更完美的境界。彼翁告诉自己的朋友们,如果听到辱骂就好比听到这样的一些话:“朋友,你看起来并不邪恶,也不愚蠢,祝你健康、快乐,愿神明保佑你万事如意。”那么你就应该认为自己德行进步了。皮罗的故事是这样的:他曾经在海上航行时遭遇了风暴,身陷险境,他指着一头正津津有味地吃着漏掉的大麦的小猪,对同伴说:一个人若不想被任何事干扰,就要用理智和哲学使自己有着这猪一样的超脱。
请注意芝诺所说的——一个人的梦想应该是使自己意识到他的德行在进步,在睡眠中对可耻的事情感到不快,不纵容也不做可怕的骇人听闻的事情,相反,他就像在彻底的宁静祥和中顿悟,灵魂中的幻想和情绪被理智驱散了。柏拉图显然在芝诺之前就意识到了这一点,他简要地描述天生暴戾的灵魂中幻想的非理性方面在睡眠中的所作所为:“它妄图乱伦”,对各种美食有着难以抗拒的冲动,想干伤风败俗、越轨的事,像自己所渴望的那样随心所欲,这些事情在白天因为受道德习俗约束使人感到羞耻和惧怕,在梦里就解除禁锢了。
驯服的牲畜不会想要偏离队列而走失,即使它们的主人松开了缰绳,它们也会井然有序地列队前行,保持自己的节奏,老老实实地按照路线行进。同样,人们非理性的方面已经被理性教化、变得文明后,即使是在睡梦中或是生病时,人们也不会放纵欲望伤风败俗,为所欲为。相反,人们时时注意保持理智并牢记在心,因为理智能赋予我们集中注意力的力量和能量。如果通过训练,身体的各部分能够协调一致——甚至是整个身体以及它的任一局部都能控制自如——不会因满目疮痍而泪流满面,因惊骇万状而砰然心跳,因情投意合而冲动越轨,那么,这自然增加了训练掌握灵魂中情感因素的程度,可以说,通过消除包括睡梦中的各种幻想和感官刺激,能使情感优雅有度。
有一则关于哲学家斯提尔波的故事能证实这一点。他在梦中看到海神波塞冬对他怒气冲冲,因为他没有向海神祭献一头公牛(给波塞冬的常规祭品),但是斯提尔波丝毫没有忐忑不安,他说:“波塞冬,您什么意思?难道您是因为我没有破产到让这座城市充满祭品的焦味,而是在家倾我所有向您适度进献,才会像个幼稚的孩子来此抱怨的吗?”然后他梦见波塞冬笑了,向他伸出右手说,看在斯提尔波的份上,我要让迈加拉的沙丁鱼丰产!
所以,不管怎样,那些有着愉快的、清新的、无忧无虑的美梦的人在梦里感受不到任何可怕的、恐怖的不正常之事,这是他们德行取得进步的明显特征。但是那些痛苦、奇异的梦境——在梦中狂热、兴奋,像懦夫一样逃避危险,经历孩童般的悲喜——犹如波涛此起彼伏,这是因为人们还不能自我掌控心灵,仍然受到世俗和规则的约束,所以当他在睡觉的时候,灵魂远离这些约束,重获自由,依然受到情感的影响。现在,请你和我一起思考,我所说的这些现象的根源是属于进步还是源自于一种建立在理智之上的心态,一种稳重、可靠的心态。
绝对的超凡脱俗是崇高而神圣的,进步之于这种境界,就好像感情的减少和节制,因此,重要的是要审视我们的情感,比较各种不同的情感,区分它们之间的不同。我们必须要将现在的情感和过去的情感相比较,看看我们现在的欲望、敬畏和激情是否没有过去那么强烈,因为我们通过理智能很快消除这些强烈和热切的情感;我们必须要将各种情感相互比较,看看我们现在的羞耻之心是否比我们的敬畏之心更锐利,更愿意与人竞争而不是妒忌他人,重名誉而轻钱财。 简而言之,我们必须通过比较不同的情感,用音乐家的话说,才能知道我们是否对多利安模式过宽而对利地安模式过严,我们的生活模式是否更趋于禁欲主义而不是享乐主义,我们的行动是否变得稳重而不是冒进,我们看待论点和人物的眼光是否是惊奇而不是鄙夷。就疾病而言,当它转移到身体非致命的部位,便是健康恢复的一个好迹象;同理,就恶习而言,当正在努力进步的人用高尚的情感来审视自身的恶习,这些恶习便会逐渐被消除。弗里尼斯在七弦琴上额外加了两条琴弦,于是长官们就问他是切掉顶端的两条弦还是切掉底端的两条弦,因为通常是七根琴弦,我们首先要弄清楚什么是必须的,如果两端的琴弦都要被切掉的话,是否就是处在中间不偏不倚的位置,其次是德行进步始于我们情感的极端和强度的削减,就像索福克勒斯所说,“贪欲使人过度劳累”。
我们已经提到将想法付诸行动,别让语言只是文字游戏而要落实到行动上,这才是特别典型的德行进步的表现。首要要效仿我们称道的行为,渴望去做我们钦佩的事,而不愿去做甚至不能容忍我们诟病的事。例如,米太亚德因其勇气和胆量在雅典受到广泛赞美,但是,狄米斯托克利却说米太亚德的战利品使他难以安寝甚至让他无法得到片刻休息,很明显狄米斯托克利不仅仅是在表达对米太亚德的敬仰和赞美,而且被米太亚德折服要去效仿他。因此,如果我们对成功事物的赞美流于表面,而不足以激励我们去效仿的话,那么我们取得的进步就微乎其微。
爱慕之情并不是改变一个人的力量,除非与之相随的是渴望效仿。赞誉美德如果不能激励我们,指引我们去效仿美好的事物,而是心怀嫉妒,那么这种赞美就不是热烈、有效的。亚西比德强调了心灵为贤达的话所打动而泪流满面的意义,不仅这样,真正进步的人将自己的行为与优秀的榜样相比较,意识到自己的不足而深感痛心,也因内心充满希望而欢欣鼓舞,满怀一种永不停歇的劲儿。用西摩尼得斯的话形容,就好比一匹奔跑在母马身边未断奶的马驹,因为他渴望成为完美的人。实际上,我们喜爱有些人的性格,极力模仿他们的行为,而且在自觉模仿时伴有良好的意愿,愿给予他们敬意和荣誉,这样的过程才是典型的真正的德行进步。但是,若有人争强好胜,对比自己强的人心怀嫉妒,那他一定要意识到让自己生气的只不过是对某种名誉或能力的嫉妒,而并不是对美德的敬慕和赞赏。
所以,当我们仰慕贤达时,如柏拉图所说,我们不仅认为有责任的人是幸运的,而谁要听到这样有责任的人说的话也是幸运的。我们喜欢他们的姿势、步态、面容和微笑,渴望追随他们,紧紧相随,那么,我们就可以名正言顺地认为自己正在取得真正的进步。还有一种更为合情合理的情形,假如我们对完美者的仰慕并不仅仅是他们成功的一面,而是如爱人一般,即使他们口齿不清、面容苍白,也会毫不犹豫地深爱对方:尽管不幸和悲惨使潘德亚痛苦哭泣,但依然打动了阿拉斯普斯的心,同样,我们不应该因为阿里斯提德的流亡,阿拉克萨戈拉的囚禁,苏格拉底的贫穷,福基翁的获罪而退缩,因为我们坚信,即使是在那样恶劣的环境下美德依然是值得我们追求的。只要内心有追求我们就应该向美德靠拢,用欧里庇得斯的话说:“品格高尚的人对污秽的东西视若无物。”人若受到足够的鼓舞激励,即使面对貌似可怕的事物,也会心怀敬意,并去效仿,而不是疏离它们,那他一定永远不会脱离美好的事物。在已经成为这样的人的经历中,无论是处理事务、担任公职或是遭遇险境,都会想象过去的贤达完美之人,并且自省:“若是柏拉图在此境遇会怎样?伊帕美农达斯会如何说?吕库古斯、阿基希劳斯会怎样处理?”他以他们为镜,把自己置于镜前对照,或是调整自己的立场,或是克制自己不说卑劣的话,或是控制情感的爆发。有的人获知伊达山山神达克提尔众多的名字并不断诵读每一个名字,就好像是用来驱赶恐惧的符咒,同样,当任何情感和艰难困苦折磨那些不断取得德行进步的人时,对完美者的思念和回忆会立刻涌上心头,并让他们不断思考,这会让他们逢凶化吉,不屈不挠。因此,这也是使你能辨认出那些德行进步之人的另一种标志。
此外,当有一位因自制力强而名声在外的人出乎意料地出现在你面前时,你能够不心慌意乱,不害羞脸红,不避之唯恐不及,也不想重新调整自己的特质,能够毫无怯意地迎上去,你就能确信自己已经意识到德行的进步了。当亚历山大看到使者愉快地大步走来,并向他伸出右手时说,“我的朋友,你带来了什么消息?是荷马重新活过来了吗?”因为他觉得自己的丰功伟绩尚需一位智者的声音为自己扬名立万。首先,不断完善性格特性、提升自我的年轻人表达爱的方式是在真正优秀的人面前如数家珍,向他们展示自己的家庭、膳食、妻子、孩子、职业以及口笔头的表达能力,为去世的家长或先师不能目睹他目前的情形而悲痛不已,他最诚挚地向神灵祈祷的唯一事情就是他们能复活见证他现在的生活和所为。另一方面,对自己毫不负责而把自己毁掉的人恰恰相反,他们连在梦里碰见亲人也会焦躁不安,难以镇定。
还有一个能表明德行进步的标志,并不是无足轻重的,请你把它作为我们前面已经讨论过的几点的补充吧。那就是一个人不再认为自己的错误是微不足道的,而是严肃对待,密切关注。不再希望成为富有的人,每次花掉小数目的钱时,不以为然,因为他们认为积少成不了多,然而,积蓄增多越接近目标,渴望成为富人的愿望就越迫切。与德行相关的行为也是如此:那些从不姑息,以“这有什么大不了的?”“这次就这样了,下次会更好些”为托词的人会每时每刻认真对待,如果恶习以它的借口像蠕虫一样渗透到他最微小的错误中,他也会无法忍受,变得焦躁不安,这些人显然在这个过程中已为自己赢得了一定的纯洁,他不能接受以任何方式对自己的玷污。另一方面,认为没有什么事情会或者可能给人带来奇耻大辱,就会对微小的事情粗心大意,若无其事。事实上,建一堵墙的时候,用一块奇特的木头或是一块普通的石头作地基是没有区别的,如果从坟墓里掉出来的一块石碑被放进地基,这种行为就类似德行降格的人对陈旧事物的简单堆砌。但那些德行在进步的人们,他们已经打好了扎实的生命基础(就像神殿或王宫的基础一样),不会不加选择地取得事物,而是以理智为标尺促使物得其所。这在我看来,就是波利克莱图斯所指出的,他说如果用粘土雕塑时到了使用手指甲的地步,那任务就极为艰巨了。